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年中無休の家庭教師 毎日学習会

慶應義塾大学SFC 総合政策学部 英語 1995年 大問一 本文対訳

1:1 The degree to which males and females are socially unequal has varied, both cross culturally and historically, from near equality to radical female disadvantage.
1:1 男性と女性が社会的にどの程度不平等であるかは、比較文化的にも歴史的にも、ほぼ平等であるものから著しく女性が不利益を受けるものにまで多岐にわたっている。
1:2 Such variation is linked to the type of technology and economy (e.g., industrial, agrarian, horticultural, foraging) and to women’s role in the economy.
1:2 そのような違いは、技術や経済の種類(例えば、工業的、農業的、園芸的、食料採集的等)とその経済における女性の役割に関係がある。
1:3 Women’s status relative to men’s in a given society is closely related to that society’s dominant, gender related ideology, whether secular, religious, or both.
1:3 ある特定の社会における男性の地位と比較しての女性の地位は、その社会の支配的な、性別に関するイデオロギーと密接に関係している。そのイデオロギーは世俗的であれ、宗教的であれ、その両方であれ、かまわない。
1:4 Dominant, gender related ideology refers to the manner in which a society defines appropriate behavior, personality, interests, and so on for each sex and justifies any differences in their rights, duties, and rewards.
1:4 支配的な、性別に関するイデオロギーは、それぞれの性にふさわしい行動、人格、関心等を定め、その権利、義務、報酬における相違を正当化する方法を述べるのである。
1:5 When women are disadvantaged relative to men in their access to socially valued resources and the dominant ideology explains and justifies such disadvantage, we use the term sexism.
1:6 Sexism in some degree is universal in contemporary societies.

2:1 In technologically simple, no surplus producing societies (horticultural and hunting gathering) women’s productive roles are usually (1) (1. peripheral 2. central 3. closed) to the collectivity inasmuch as they typically provide from 40 to 80 percent of the food.
2:1 技術的に単純で余剰を産まない社会(園芸的社会と狩猟採集的社会)においては、女性が概して40から80パーセントの食料を供給するので、女性の生産的役割は普通その集合体に対して中心的なものである。
2:2 In such societies sexism is minimal to nonexistent, and their religious imagery typically incorporates a female principle.
2:2 そのような社会では性差別は存在しないほどごく少なく、その宗教像には一般的に女性の要素が組み入れられている。
2:3 As the technology becomes more complex, the production of surplus commodities for trade and familial aggrandizement (2) (1. scores 2. achieves 3. becomes) a primary goal.
2:4 When this happens, males come increasingly to control economic resources, and religion increasingly stresses the male principle.
2:4 こうなると、男性がますます経済的資産を支配するようになり、宗教はますます男性原理を強調するようになる。

3:1 The most extreme female socioeconomic disadvantage is found generally in agrarian and pastoral societies.
3:2 Virtually all the great world religions, namely, those that spread beyond the tribal level, developed in agrarian or mixed agrarian and pastoral societies.
3:2 ほとんどすべての偉大な世界的宗教、すなわち、種族の範囲を越えて広がった宗教は、農業社会または農業と牧畜の混合社会で発達した。
3:3 Those that became monotheistic (e.g., Judaism, Christianity, Islam) dropped the female element entirely (3) (1. from 2. over 3. in) their concept of the deity and original creation.
3:4 They came to view the sexes in an invidious fashion.
3:4 それらの宗教は女性を不快な様子で見るようになった。
3:5 Women were barred from formal religious roles (4) (1. such as 2. rather than 3. for) the clergy, were defined as polluted or as temptresses, and were made subject to the secular as well as sacred authority of male kin.
3:6 Even when monotheism did not develop (e.g., Hinduism, Confucianism), the same types of controls over women came to be justified by religion (5) (1. by means of 2. in spite of 3. on the basis of) women’s supposed innate inferiority.
3:6 ヒンズー教や儒教のように一神教が発達しなかった場合でさえ、女性は生まれつき劣っているという考えに基づいて、女性に対する同じ種類の統制が宗教によって正当化されるようになった。

4:1 One very common practice in extremely sexist societies has been much stricter control over women’s sexuality than over men’s (6) (1. economic power 2. sexuality 3. political influence).
4:2 This has been done in order to ensure “proper” paternity, which in turn is linked to the intergenerational transmission of property from father to son.
4:2 これは「正当な」父権を保証するためになされてきたものである。こうすることによって今度はその父権が父から息子への世代間の財産相続につながるのである。
4:3 It takes an extreme form such as purdah (the total seclusion of women in Hindu and Islamic tradition) or milder forms such as chaperoning unmarried women, (7) (1. painting 2. covering 3. washing) women’s bodies and faces almost entirely, or simply a double standard that punishes women (either alone or more harshly than men) who lose their virginity premarital or commit adultery.
4:3 それは、パーダー制度(ヒンズー教やイスラム教における女性の完全隔離)のような極端な形式をとることもあり、あるいは未婚女性の付添いをするとか女性の体や顔をほとんど完全に覆うとか結婚前に処女を失ったり不貞を行う女性を(女性だけか、一緒の場合は男性より厳しく)罰する二重の基準というようなゆるやかな形式をとることもある。
4:4 The ideological justification often stresses women’s extreme sexuality and the diversion from duty this supposedly creates for men.
4:4 イデオロギーによる正当化はしばしば、女性の極端な性的特異性と、これが男性に対して引き起こすと思われている義務からの気持ちの散漫を強調する。
4:5 Left unchecked, female sexuality would presumably constitute a danger to the social collectivity.
4:6 In such cases the image of females is sharply bifurcated: the pure, virginal, or chaste woman who conforms to religious and social strictures (the lady) versus the polluted whore like temptress, the fallen woman who has rebelled against God and society.
4:6 そのような場合、女性の姿ははっきりと2つに分けられる。つまり、宗教的・社会的拘束に従う無垢で純潔で貞淑な女性(つまり「淑女」)と、神と社会に反抗した堕落した女性である、汚れた売春婦のような誘惑的女性である。
4:7 There is no counterpart bifurcation of males on the basis of sexuality.
4:8 Language often reflects this phenomenon by producing a vast terminology of dirty words” to refer to women who step (8) (1. out of sight 2. out of hand 3. out of bounds) and more generally to specific parts of the female anatomy.
4:9 Women are thus defined essentially on the basis of their sexuality and sexual conduct, resulting in the irony that in attempting to repress female sexuality women are made into sexual objects.
4:9 このように女性は基本的には、その性的特異性と行為に基づいて定義され、その結果、女性の性的特異性を抑えようとしながら女性が性的対象物にされるという皮肉に陥るのである。
4:10 Moreover, when the repressive aspect is removed the objectification does not quickly disappear, as manifested by contemporary advertising and pornography.
4:10 さらに、抑圧的な面が除かれても、現代の広告やポルノに示されるように、対象化はすぐには消えないのである。

5:1 Extensive control over women by men may result for many women in traits of passivity, childlike dependence, and the inability to function as responsible adults.
5:2 (9) (1. At last 2. At best 3. At the very least) women come to be stereotyped in this manner.
5:2 ついには、女性はこういうふうに固定観念をもって見られるようになる。
5:3 In turn, such traits and or stereotypes further suggest the “need” for male domination.
5:4 Denied the opportunity to become responsible and independent, women come to be defined as fit only for the domestic role, which is relatively devalued in surplus producing societies.
5:5 On this basis women become objectified in a second way.
5:5 これに基づいて、女性はまた別の面で対象化される。
5:6 To the extent that they conform to their domestic role and behave in a proper manner sexually, they may be admired, even (10) (1. worshipped 2. ridiculed 3. despised, but only as idealized mothers, a role nature has ostensibly created them for.

6:1 In controlling the cultural, public aspects of their societies, including the very institutions that produce the ideology legitimating such control, men in sexist societies become the gatekeepers who decide what is to be defined as valuable, worthy, and proper.
6:2 It is their imagery of females that becomes the official, societal definition.
6:3 Men define that which constitutes humanness, and, in the words of French existentialist Simone de Beauvoir, women become simply “the other.”
6:4 Substantial research suggests that conceptions of “human” and “masculine” tend to coincide, but they differ from those of(11)(1. “individual” 2. “feminine” 3. “artistic”).
6:4 かなりの研究によって、「人間」と「男性」の概念は一致する傾向にあるが、それらは「女性」の概念とは異なると示されている。
6:5 If a woman manages to produce a painting, a musical composition, a poem, or a scientific paper, it is judged by the standards men have set, if indeed male gatekeepers deem a woman’s production worthy of being judged at all.
6:5 もし女性が絵画、作曲、詩、科学論文を産み出すと、それらは男性が設定した基準によって判断される(それも、実際、男性の門衛が女性の作品を、少しでも審査する価値があるとみなした場合のみであるが)。
6:6 Such standards are taken to be universal and unbiased, not as the product of specific people with vested interests.
6:6 そのような基準は、それによって利益を得ている特別な人々の作り出したものではなくて、普遍的で偏見のないものと思われている。
6:7 They assume a reality of their own that transcends their social origins and are seen as applicable across time and space.
6:7 その基準は、その社会的起源を越えてそれ自体として現実性を帯び、時と空間を越えて適用可能と見られている。
6:8 Women who would produce cultural artifacts in a sexist society are caught in a double bind: they can attempt to meet male standards that are defined as (12) (1. universal 2. masculine.
esthetic), but since they are not male they compete for recognition at a disadvantage; or they can produce according to their own experience and ideas of quality, and their products will typically be defined as (13) (1. innocent 2. inferior 3. tasteful) by societal gatekeepers.
6:9 Thus, for instance, women’s art in basketry, weaving, and needlework constitute only “crafts,” whereas men’s in paint, stone, and bronze are “fine arts.”
6:9 かくして、例えば、かご細工や織物や裁縫における女性の技巧はただ「工芸品」にしかならないが、一方絵画や石製品や青銅製品における男性の技巧は「芸術品」となる。

7:1 (14) (1. Concerning 2. Regardless of 3. Besides) standards of judgment, male assumptions about the world, male definitions, and male perceptions of what constitute problems all become synonymous with “reality.”
7:2 Western science has provided numerous examples of how sexism intrudes to shape even the ostensibly most objective type of cultural production.
7:3 For example, in the seventeenth century European scientists defined sperm as carrying a miniature fetus; the female provided only the environment for its growth.
7:4 The resulting (15) (1. child 2. wife 3. woman) “obviously” belonged to the father.
7:4 その結果、生まれてくる子供は明らかに父親のものであった。
7:5 As (male) medical doctors took over childbirth from (female) midwives in the nineteenth century, pregnancy and parturition became increasingly defined as a problem, even a kind of illness; after all, physicians do not treat normal events.
7:5 19世紀に(男性の)医者が(女性の)助産婦から分嫉免を引き継いだとき、妊娠と出産はますます異常な事態、さらに一種の病気とさえ定義されるようになった。結局のところ、医者は「正常な」事柄は扱わないからである。
7:6 Until about 1970 anthropologists largely ignored women’s extensive contributions to the food supplies of preliterate societies, developing theories based on the centrality of male hunting to the survival of families and (16) ( 1. cities 2. industry 3. societies).
7:7 Sigmund Freud and his followers defined masochism, passivity, and narcissism as normal female traits and developed a theory to explain women’s innately inferior conscience.
7:7 シグモント=フロイトとその弟子たちは、マゾヒズムや受動性やナルシシズムを一般的な女性の特徴と定義し女性が生まれつき善悪の判断に劣ることを説明する理論を推し進めた。
7:8 Psychologist Carol Gilligan has demonstrated that males and females employ basically (17) (1. possible 2. similar 3. different) notions of moral behavior.
7:9 The former tend to base morality on abstract principles, the latter on a (18) (1. concern with 2. interpretation of 3. familiarity with) concrete relationships.
7:9 前者は道徳性を抽象的な主義に基づいて捉え、後者は具体的なつながりへの関心に基づいて捉える傾向がある、としたのである。
7:10 Yet the field of psychology has assumed that the masculine approach is synonymous with the general concept of moral behavior and that therefore females are less moral.
7:10 しかし、心理学は、そのような男性による捉え方が道徳的行動の一般的概念と同義であり、それ故に女性は男性より道徳性に劣っていると考えてきたのであった。
7:11 Work has been defined by economists and sociologists in terms of the labor force, ignoring the domestic labor of homemakers and (19) (1. implying 2. employing 3. inferring) that they do not “work.”
8:1 The power to define the world and to define standards of judgment constitutes the power to shape the sociocultural world to one’s own image and interests.
8:2 Sexism, rooted in economic phenomena, legitimated and extended by ideologies, (12) (1. tests 2. vests 3. lifts) such power in males.
8:3 In turn, definitional power reinforces sexism.
8:3 そして今度は定義する力が性差別をより強いものにする。
8:4 When extreme Sexism exists, women are not simply denied all manner of rights, resources, and opportunity but are denied the ability to define themselves, their experience, and their works as worthy and valuable, sometimes even as real.

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