慶應義塾大学SFC 環境情報学部 英語 2006年 大問一 本文対訳

1:1 As soon as infants can crawl, they begin to explore their environments.
1:2 These explorations are usually limited to relatively circumscribed areas, such as a single room or adjacent rooms.
1:2 このような探索は、通常、1つの部屋ないしは隣接する部屋といった、比較的限定された区域に限られる。
1:3 In these settings, finding the way to a particular location is not complicated because the destination can usually be seen from the outset.
1:3 このような状況では、ある特定の場所までたどりつくことは、目的地が通常初めから見えているので複雑な行程ではない。
1:4 Within a few years, however, children begin to explore much larger realms.
1:4 しかし、数年以内に子供はそれよりはるかに広い範囲を探索し始める。
1:5 They may move freely within an entire house or apartment building and in the surrounding environments.
1:6 Now way-finding skills become essential because the child’s destination often cannot be seen from the start.
1:6 その際は、その子にとっての目的地が最初から見えないことが多いため、方向を定める技術が必要になってくる。
1:7 When a 3­year-old playing outdoors realizes that she’s hungry, the kitchen may not be in sight.
1:8 To get there, she must know a route that will lead her indoors and [1](1. for 2. into 3. around) the kitchen.
1:9 Learning to find ones way in an environment involves three related skills.
1:9 ある環境において、ある場所へたどりつけるようになるには、3つの関連した技術が必要とされる。
1:10 First, children must identify landmarks, distinctive locations in an environment.
1:10 まず、子供は、目印となる所、つまりある環境において他との区別を示す場所を特定しなければならない。
1:11 Second, a child uses landmarks to form routes, sequences of action that lead from one landmark to another.
1:11 2番目に、子供は、目印を利用して道筋を、つまりある目印から別の目印へと続く行動の連続を形成する。
1:12 Third, landmarks and routes are formed into clusters, or configurations.
1:12 3番目に、目印と道筋が束ねられたもの、あるいは配列されたものへと形作られる。
1:13 These ultimately form a cognitive map – a unified mental configuration of an environment that [2] (1. integrates 2. constructs 3. scatters) many landmarks and routes.
1:13 これらが最終的に認知地図―つまり多数の目印や道筋を統合する、ある環境についてのひとまとまりの配列―を頭脳中に形成するのである。
2:1 Landmarks are salient objects or points of decision in the environment that are noticed and remembered and [3] (1. in 2. around 3. for) which the child’s actions and decisions are coordinated.
2:2 For children, landmarks might be a candy store, a playground, and a school crossing.
2:3 Children move and travel to and from these landmarks, and they are used to maintain ones course during travel.
2:4 Learning about landmarks begins very early in life.
2:5 Before children can walk, they move through environments in parents’ arms, in strollers, and in automobiles.
2:6 Even when they are [4](1. stuck 2. away 3. Still), infants see people and objects move in their environments.
2:7 According to Piaget, a child first thinks of the position of an object in space exclusively in [5] (1. terms 2. spite 3. case) of the objects position relative to the child’s own body what Piaget called an egocentric frame of reference.
2:7 ピアジェによると、子供は最初、空間の中のある物体の位置を、その物体と自分の体との相対的な位置関係という観点からのみ考えるということだが、これはピアジェの言うところの自己中心的視点である。
2:8 Only later do children acquire an objective frame of reference in which an objects location is thought of relative to the positions of other objects in space.
2:9 Not all elements in an environment are equally [6](1. suited 2. bound 3. Combined) to be landmarks.
2:10 An essential skill in way­finding is to identify distinctive landmarks that will be recognized when one travels the route again.
3:1 Landmarks are essential to way­finding in large environments, but [7] (1. alone 2. relatively 3. primarily) they are not sufficient for travel.
3:2 Instead, landmarks must be linked in a particular Sequence, forming a route in which the last landmark is the destination.
3:2 それよりも、目印は特定の順序でつながれ、最後の目印が目的地となる道筋を形成しなければならない。
3:3 If the sequence of landmarks does not [8](1. refer 2. come 3. conform) to our expectations, we quickly have the feeling of “being lost.”
3:3 その目印の順序が我々の予想と一致しなかった場合、我々はすぐさま「道に迷った」という感覚を持つ。
3:4 Routes can thus be considered a kind of spatial “glue” that links environmental landmarks.
3:4 このように、道筋は環境の中の目印を結びつける一種の空間的「接着剤」と考えられる。
3:5 The ability to learn routes improves consistently throughout the preschool years.
3:6 Hazen, Luckman, and Pick found that year-olds needed 50 percent more [9](1. doses 2. trials 3. ways) than 5­yea-rolds to learn a route through four rooms.
3:6 ヘイズン、ロックマン、そしてピックは、4つの部屋を通る道筋を覚えるのに、3歳児は5歳児よりも50パーセント多くの試行を必要とすることを発見した。
3:7 By school age, children have acquired considerable skill in route learning.
3:8 In one study, subjects saw a sequence of photographs [10](1. depicting 2. to depict 3. having depicted) a walk through hallways.
3:9 Each photograph contained an intersecting hallway, and the subject’s task was to learn the sequence of left and right turns that would lead to the end of the corridor.
3:10 Seven-year-olds and adults learned this sequence at approximately the same rate.
3:10 7歳児と大人はこの順序をおおむね同じ割合で覚えた。
3:11 In addition, school age children and adolescents are very good at arranging photographs of landmarks in [11](1. the order 2. the method 3. the distance) in which they were encountered along a route.
4:1 Although children can readily learn the sequences in which landmarks appear, they are less skilled than adults in estimating the distances between landmarks.
4:2 Judging distance is important because it allows people to estimate the time needed to travel between two points.
4:3 This, in turn, allows a traveler to estimate when a landmark should appear along a journey;
4:3 その結果、移動者は行程中に目印がいつ現れるかを概算することができる。
4:4 we feel lost when a landmark that is [12](1. constructed 2. expected 3. ranked) after a certain distance fails to appear.
4:4 そして一定の距離を進んだ、後に予想される目印が現れないとき、我々は「道に迷った」と感じる。
4:5 A number of factors influence the accuracy with which people judge distances.
4:5 いくつかの要因は、人が距離を判断する際の正確さに影響を与える。
4:6 For instance, when a barrier separates two landmarks so that one is not visible from the other, children and adults usually overestimate the distance between them.
5:1 When adults first encounter a novel environment, they often use maps to guide them.
5:2 Children, too, can learn about environments from maps.
5:3 In one study, ­ and ­year-olds were asked to learn a specific route that [13](1. generated 2. differentiated 3. connected) six landmarks.
5:3 ある研究で、4歳児と5歳児が6カ所の目印を結びつけたある特定の道筋を覚えるように言われた。
5:4 Children who had memorized a map beforehand learned the route more rapidly than children who had not seen the map.
5:5 Giving a map to children may help them to form their own cognitive maps of the environment.
6:1 Learning 10 to 100 or 1,000 different routes through an environment is not effective.
6:1 ある環境の中を通る、10から100ないし1,000通りの異なる道筋を覚えることは効果的ではない。
6:2 A cognitive map is the mental structure by which humans apparently store the way­finding information about an environment.
6:3 It might seem that an easy way to examine children’s cognitive maps would be to ask them to draw maps of familiar environments.
6:4 Actually, this method is not satisfactory because children know much more about their environments than they can draw accurately.
6:4 しかし実際はこの方法は十分ではない。なぜなら子供は、自分の環境については正確に描くよりももっと多くのことを知っているからである。
6:5 Investigators have used a number of ingenious approaches to [14](1. probe 2. create 3. use) configurational knowledge.
6:6 Consider the two routes shown in the “Neighborhood Map” below.
6:6 下の「近隣の地図」に示された2つの道筋を考えてみよう。
6:7 A child’s knowledge of that neighborhood would be called configurational when, [15](1. because 2. regardless 3. out) of his or her specific position within the environment, the child would know the relative location of all four houses.
6:8 If, for example, a child is walking east past the bank, his or her knowledge is configurational if the child knows that (1) house D is straight ahead; (2) house C is directly behind ; (3) house B is ahead, off to the left ; and (4) house A is behind, off to the left.
7:1 When people’s knowledge of their environment is assessed in this manner, accuracy is seen to improve gradually throughout childhood.
7:2 In several studies, subjects have been [16](1. made 2. given 3. taken) to various locations in an environment and asked to try to point toward other landmarks.
7:2 いくつかの研究で、被験者達はある環境の中のさまざまな場所に連れて行かれ、他の目印の方を指差すように言われた。
7:3 By 7 years of age, children’s estimates of the direction toward a landmark that is out of sight indicate that they are aware of the general locations of landmarks.
7:3 7歳の年齢までは、視界にない目印の方向を子供が推測してみると、目印のだいたいの方向がわかっていることが示されている。
7:4 Anosmia and Young found an average error of 27 degrees for 7­year-olds.
7:4 アヌーシャンとヤングは、7歳の子供に関しては平均27度の誤りがあることを発見した。
7:5 This is less accurate than the estimates of 10­ and 13­yearolds ―17 and 14 degrees, [17] (1. respectively 2. independently 3. differently) ― and it is certainly not the sort of precision that would allow one to navigate accurately from Vancouver to Honolulu.
7:5 これは10歳と13歳の子供による推測の場合―それぞれ17度と14度―よりも正確さは低く、バンクーバーからホノルルまでを正確に航行できるような種類の正確さでは決してない。
7:6 However, for 7­year-olds’ needs for traveling within a neighborhood, this degree of precision is more than [18] (1. approximate 2. clear 3. adequate).
7:6 しかし、近隣地域の中を移動するのに7歳の子供が必要とするものとしては、この程度の正確さで十二分である。
7:7 Further, knowing the direction of a landmark is only one part of configurational knowledge.
7:7 さらに、ある目印の方向を知っていることは配列の知識の一部にすぎない。
7:8 Children must also know the approximate distance of that landmark.
7:9 Children could well know that a landmark is in a particular direction but at the same time have a relatively [19] (1. poor 2. fine 3. realistic) idea of how far to travel in that direction.
7:10 Children estimate distances between landmarks along familiar routes more accurately than distances between landmarks that are not connected by routes.
7:11 But estimates of these latter distances become increasingly accurate [20](1. with 2. on 3. of) age.
7:11 しかしこの後者の方の距離の見積もりは、年齢と共に正確さが増していく。




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