慶應義塾大学SFC 英語 内容一致テクニック 『タイトル付け問題』

慶應義塾大学総合政策学部 問二 2012年度 英語長文問題解答 内容一致問題
■ 第1段落

1:1 If a campaign volunteer shows up at your door, urging you to vote in an upcoming election, you are 10 percent more likely to go to the poll―sand others in your household are 6 percent more likely to vote.
1:2 When you try to recall an unfamiliar word, the [31](1.fact 2. assumption 3. likelihood) you’ll remember it depends partly on its position in a network of words that sound similar.
1:3 And when a cell in your body develops a cancerous mutation*, its daughter cells** will carry that mutation; whether you get cancer depends largely on that cell’s position in the network of cellular reproduction.
■ 第2段落
2:1 [2](1. However 2. Despite 3. Whatever) unrelated these phenomena may seem, a single scholarly field has helped illuminate all of them.
2:2 The study of networks can illustrate how viruses, opinions, and news spread from person to person and can make it possible to track the spread of obesity, suicide, and back pain.
2:3 Network science points toward tools for predicting stock-price trends, designing transportation systems, and detecting cancer.
■ 第3段落
3:1 It [33](1. often is 2. used to be 3. never could be) that sociologists studied networks of people, while physicists and computer scientists studied different kinds of networks in their own fields.
3:2 But [34](1. as 2. though 3. unless) social scientists sought to understand larger, more sophisticated networks, they looked to physics for methods suited to this [35](1. flexibility 2. complexity 3. equality).
3:3 And it is a two-way street: network science “is one of the rare areas where you see physicists and molecular biologists respectfully citing the work of social scientists and borrowing their ideas,”
says Nicholas Christakis, a physician and medical sociologist at Harvard and coauthor of
Connected: The Surprising Power of Our Social Networks and How They Shape Our Lives.
■ 第4段落
4:1 The basic elements of a network are simple: it consists of nodes*** connected by links (also called “ties”).
4:2 But as the numbers of nodes and links increase, the number of possible forms of the network grows dramatically.
4:3 [36](1. Conversely 2. Otherwise 3. Likewise), there are innumerable possibilities for what a node and a link can represent.
4:4 Structurally simple, yet analytically incredibly complex, networks hold the answers to so many questions that at Harvard alone, the number of researchers studying them may reach three digits.

4:5 Here is a sampling of the newest work in this [37](1. unchanging 2. unfashionable 3. dynamic) field.
■ 第6段落
6:1 The book guides readers through the field, [39](1. presenting 2. presents 3. presented) findings from medicine, biology, sociology, anthropology, political science, economics, mathematics, and beyond.
6:2 The authors discuss the spread of laughter, tastes in music, sexual behavior, and anxiety over nut allergies.
6:3 The authors note one study that carefully compared the structure of networks of many phenomena and found a strong similarity between the voting patterns of U.S. senators and social bonding among cows.
6:4 They also report on Japanese biologist Toshiyuki Nakagaki’s findings that a kind of mold**** can “collaborate” by spreading out in the form of a network to explore all possible paths to a goal, and that it is more efficient than his graduate students in finding the shortest route [40](1. on 2. beyond 3. through) a maze.
6:5 The book also presents his follow-up studies, in which the mold was as good as or better than humans at creating maps for railway systems in Great Britain and Japan.
6:6 These studies, they say, demonstrate the problem-solving power [41](1. capable of 2. possessed by 3. used for) networks.
■ 第8段落
8:1 But the core of the Christakis-Fowler collaboration is original research on what spreads through human social networks.
8:2 [43](1. By 2. Of 3. With) data from the Framingham Heart Study, which has been going on since 1948, they mapped more than 50,000 social ties among 5,124 people (who were connected to an external network of more than 12,000 people).
8:3 Because the study tracked all manner of health markers and asked subjects about an exhaustive list of behaviors―diet and exercise, medications, smoking, emotions―it was [44](1. a rich 2. a prosperous 3. an affluent) source of data.
■ 第9段落
9:1 The two men started publishing their findings with a splash: a 2007 article in the New England Journal of Medicine reporting that obesity spreads through social networks, as people are apparently influenced by friends’ weight gain to become fat themselves.
9:2 More [45](1. irrelevant 2. perplexing 3. obvious) is their finding that obesity spreads through up to three degrees of separation.
9:3 If a subject named a friend who was also in the study, and that friend’s friend became obese, the first subjects chances of becoming obese were roughly 20 percent greater.
9:4 Across one more degree of influence (for instance, husband’s friend’s friend―i.e, three degrees away), the risk was 10 percent greater.
9:5 Weight gain appears to move through friend groups [46](1. versus 2. via 3. without) some unseen mechanism such as changed eating or exercise behavior, or adjustment of social norms regarding weight.
■ 第12段落
12:1 Precise knowledge is needed for the type of network-based public-health interventions they envision.
12:2 In addition to knowing what works―in the case of obesity, perhaps distributing healthy recipes, or posting on Facebook or Twitter that you “feel so great after going for a run” to encourage friends to exercise―such interventions require knowing who is most influential, and this may vary from purpose to purpose.
12:3 Christakis and Fowler write that a network-based vaccination campaign, [48](1. consulting 2. excluding 3. targeting) people with the most social contacts, could be three times more cost- effective than a campaign that aims for universal vaccination.
12:4 Campaigns of the latter type over-vaccinate; immunizing only people who are hubs in social networks would enable administering a minimum of doses for maximum effect.
12:5 For instance, recommendations that healthcare workers receive more vaccinations than average citizens follow a similar model, assuming that such workers will have more [49](1. sympathy for 2. contact with 3. knowledge about) sick people and thus are more likely to spread infections.
12:6 A network-based disease prevention campaign, prioritizing well-connected people when monitoring infection’s spread, could be 700 times more efficient than random monitoring.

慶應義塾大学総合政策学部 問一 2012年度 英語長文問題解答 内容一致問題
■ 第2段落
2:1 I call the first of these shifts “power transition” and the second,”power diffusion.”
2:3 If one looked at the world in 1750, one would see that Asia had more than half of the world’s population, and represented more than half of the world’s products.
2:4 By 1900, Asia still had more than half of the world’s population, [1](1. but 2. so 3. for) it had declined to only 20 percent of the world’s products.
2:5 What we have been seeing, and what we will see in the 21st century, is the recovery of Asia to its normal proportions, with more than half of the world’s population and more than half of the world’s products.
2:6 This started, of course, with Japan after the Meiji Restoration in 1868, and it [2](1. coincided 2. worked 3. continued) with smaller countries like Korea, Singapore, Malaysia, and so forth.
2:7 Now the trend has spread to China, but it is also going to include India.
2:8 India now has growth rates of 8 to 9 percent a year.
2:9 During the course of the century, we should [3](1. see 2. understand 3. recognize) Asia as a whole recovering to about what one would think would be normal proportions.
2:10 And that is power transition.
■ 第3段落
3:1 Let me say a word about what I mean by power diffusion.
3:2 That is best understood in terms of the way technologies, and particularly information technologies, are [4](1. increasing 2. sustaining 3. affecting) the costs of participating in international affairs.
3:3 The price of computing power declined a thousand-fold from 1970 to 2000.
3:4 That is an extraordinary number, so big that it is hard to know what it means.
3:5 The best way to think of this would be that if the price of an automobile had declined as rapidly as the price of computing power, you should be able to buy an automobile today, for, lets say, 10,000 yen.
3:6 It is [5](1. just 2. hardly 3. nonetheless) an extraordinary change.
3:7 When the price of something declines that much, it removes the barriers to entry.
3:8 Now others can do what previously was [6](1. prepared 2. reserved 3. preserved) for governments or big corporations.
3:9 If you wanted to communicate instantaneously from Tokyo to New York to London to Johannesburg in 1970, you could do that.
3:10Technologically you could do it, but it was very, very expensive.
3:11 [7](1. Still 2. Now 3. However), anybody can do it and it is virtually free.
3:12 If you have Skype, it is free.
■ 第4段落
4:1 So that means that things that were previously restricted to very large organizations like governments or corporations are now [8](1. meaningful 2. useless . available) to anyone.
4:2 And this has a significant impact on world politics.
4:3 It does not mean that governments are being replaced or that the nation-state is obsolete.
4:4 What it [9](1. does 2. does not . could not) mean is that the stage on which governments act is now crowded with many more, smaller actors.
4:5 Some of those smaller actors are good―lets take Oxfam International, an NPO which serves to relieve poverty―and some of them are bad―lets take Al Qaeda, which is obviously trying to kill people.
4:6 But the main point is that it is a new type of international politics and we have [10](1. already 2. often 3. not yet) come to terms with how to think about this.
4:7 So, for example, we need to realize that in an age in which information technology is so powerful and important, it may often be the case that it is not only whose army wins, but whose story wins.
4:8 The ability to tell an effective story is [11](1. persuasive 2. crucial 3. risky).
■ 第5段落
5:1 If you think of the problem of terrorism, terrorists have very little military power, but they have a lot of “soft power”―the ability to attract and persuade people.
5:2 [12](1. So 2. Nonetheless 3. However), Bin Laden did not point a gun at the head of the people who flew into the World Trade Center.
5:3 He did not pay them.
5:4 He attracted them by his narrative of “Islam under threat” and the need to purify Islam.
5:5 That is interesting because it means that as we then try to [13(1. come up 2. get away 3. cope) with this, we may make the mistake of thinking that we can solve this by military or economic power alone.
5:6 If power means the ability to get the outcomes you want, you could do this through coercion, threats, so-called “sticks.”
5:7 You could do it with payments you might call [14](1. “lemons.” 2. “whips.” 3. “carrots”.)
5:8 Or you could do it with attraction and persuasion.
5:9 And in an information age, the role of soft power is increasing in its importance.
5:10 Now that means that what we need is a new way of thinking about power.
5:11 The famous British historian A.J.P. Taylor, who wrote a book about the struggle for mastery of Europe in the 19th century, defined a great power as a country that was able to prevail in war.
5:12 But we have to [15](1. put up with 2. go beyond 3. cling to) that limited way of thinking about what power means in the 21st century, and see it as much more three-dimensional, as including not only military power but also economic power and also soft power.
■ 第6段落
6:1 It is very important to have accurate perceptions about the transition of power.
6:2 And the reason is that when people are too worried about power, they may overreact or follow strategies that are [16](1. relevant 2. meaningful 3. dangerous).
6:3 When you look back in history, there is the famous case of the Peloponnesian War, in which the Greek city-state system tore itself apart.
6:4 Thucydides, the ancient Greek historian, said the reason for this war was the rise in the power of Athens and the fear it created in Sparta.

■ 第7段落
7:1 It is equally important not to be too fearful of the diffusion of power.
7:2 What we are seeing is that both China and the United States, and of course Japan and Europe and others, will be facing a new set of transnational challenges, including climate change, transnational terrorism, cyber insecurity, and pandemics.
7:3 All these issues, which are going to be increasing in the future, are going to require cooperation.
7:4 They cannot be solved by any one country alone.
7:5 Many of these new transnational issues that we face are areas where we have to get away from just thinking about power over others and think about power [18](1. with 2. without 3. under) others.
■ 第8段落
8:1 The American president Franklin Roosevelt at the time of the Great Depression said, “We have nothing to fear but fear itself.”
8:2 Perhaps as we turn to the 21st century, we should say one of the most worrisome things is fear itself.
8:3 If we can keep a balanced [19](1. assembly 2. assortment 3. assessment) of the overall distribution of power, and figure out ways to deal with these common challenges that we face―we, meaning the United States, Japan, China, Europe and others we can indeed have a [20](1. win-win
2. win-lose 3. lose-lose) situation.
[30] Which of the following would make the best title of this article?
1. The Failings of Power
2. The Future of Power
3. The Fixation of Power
4. The Function of Power

慶應義塾大学環境情報学部 問二 2010年度 英語長文問題解答 過去問 内容一致問題
■ 第2段落
2:1 In this book, Erasmus set out to popularize the concept of “civilité.”
2:2 Although often translated as politeness, Erasmus used the term to [32] ( 1. create 2. devise 3. represent) an approach to life, a way of carrying one’s self, of speaking and relating to others that would enable all to live together harmoniously.
2:3 Erasmus saw “civilité,” from which the modern word “civility” is descended, as the basis for civilization.
2:4 Those who acted without concern for others were considered “un-civilized,” destructive barbarians.
2:5 Civility, which is [33] (1. far from 2. the Same as 3. more than) simple politeness, is an important component of human society by which we show respect for each other.
2:6 It is an old and nearly universal ethical imperative.
2:7 In the ancient world, both Aristotle in classical Greece and Confucius in pre-imperial China held that a good man had to have good manners.
2:8 However, concern with public civility is not simply an ancient tradition.
■ 第3段落
3:1 In 1997, the Annenberg School of Communications at the University of Southern California published a study in which people were asked to [34] (1. evaluate 2. explain 3. upgrade) the public civility of different groups in American society.
3:2 The group that was rated the lowest on the scale of politeness was politicians.
3:3 A congressional commission concluded that civility in debate had reached the lowest level [35] (1. by 2. around 3. since) 1935.
3:4 Members of both parties, [36] (1. impressed by 2. repressed by 3. worried about) the effects of the report and their public image, held a retreat in Hershey, Pennsylvania.
3:5 The stated purpose of the retreat was: “To seek a greater degree of civility among members of the House of Representatives in order to foster an environment in which vigorous debate and mutual respect can coexist.”
3:6 This event illustrates that civility was, has been, and can again become an important social “tool” for interacting with others.
■ 第4段落
4:1 Yet, [37] (1. all 2. not all 3. no) people are ready to accept civility.
4:2 In fact, some members of Congress refused to participate in the civility retreat mentioned above.
4:3 From both Republicans and Democrats, the same objection was raised―there is no need to be civil with those whose ideas we oppose.
4:4 Indeed, honesty requires that we should not hide real disagreements under the [38] (1. cover 2. function 3. structure) of social manners.
4:5 This was the argument of a much discussed essay by Benjamin DeMott entitled “Seduced by Civility.”
4:6 Published in The Nation in 1996, the article proposed that too much civility might [39] ( 1. deepen 2. mask 3. minimize) deep social conflict.
4:7 The demand for society to conform to the rules of civility, said DeMott, is how people [40] (1. in
2. Of 3. for) power avoid criticism.
4:8 In other words, civility and its related concepts are a gross hypocrisy meant to further oppress the disenfranchised in our society.
4:9 It is easy to “feel” the strength of this argument; after all, who has not felt like yelling at injustice or tearing down the walls of prejudice?
4:10 This argument is not, however, borne out historically.
4:11 It is, in fact, contradicted by recent social struggles.
■ 第5段落
5:1 Consider the mass protests of the American Civil Rights movement in the 1950s and 1960s.

5:2 The success of this movement is due in part to the genius of one of its leaders, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.
5:3 Dr. King’s genius was in his ability to inspire the diverse people involved in the struggle to be civil and loving in their [41l ( 1. dissent 2. company 3. brotherhood).
5:4 This civil disobedience was the antithesis of hypocrisy; it was an example of civility as an act of high ethical principle.
5:5 The Civil Rights movement did not seek to destroy American democracy; rather it sought to engage with American society, and to have it [42] ( 1. fulfilling 2. fulfill 3. fulfilled) its founding promise that “all are created equal.”
5:6 Dr. King understood that uncivil dialog cannot serve a democratic function.
5:7 While it is true that democracy demands open dialog, and that dialog arises from [43] ( 1. disagreement 2. mutual understanding 3. respectful attitudes), it must be possible to be partisan without being actively uncivil.
5:8 It is this concept that gave the Civil Rights movement its moral strength―that the means of persuasion as well as the goal of an argument were equally important.
5:9 Deriving from earlier thinkers like Thoreau and Ghandi, the civil rights protesters were trained to remain civil and nonviolent in the face of a repressive, and often violent, system of segregation.
5:10 Again, Dr. King understood that the struggle for civil rights was not simply a movement to [44] (1. benefit 2. fight with 3. flatter) African-Americans, but an opening for a national dialog on the issue of “justice for all.”

5:11 By behaving better, more civilly, than their opponents, protestors sought not to defeat their opposition, but to convert them to their point of view.
5:12 Uncivil and violent protest, [45] (1. when 2. however 3. since) “justified,” might have broken the connections that bind Americas heterogeneous population into a united community.
■ 第2段落
2:1 In this book, Erasmus set out to popularize the concept of “civilité.”
2:2 Although often translated as politeness, Erasmus used the term to [32] ( 1. create 2. devise 3. represent) an approach to life, a way of carrying one’s self, of speaking and relating to others that would enable all to live together harmoniously.
2:3 Erasmus saw “civilité,” from which the modern word “civility” is descended, as the basis for civilization.
2:4 Those who acted without concern for others were considered “un-civilized,” destructive barbarians.
2:5 Civility, which is [33] (1. far from 2. the Same as 3. more than) simple politeness, is an important component of human society by which we show respect for each other.
2:6 It is an old and nearly universal ethical imperative.
2:7 In the ancient world, both Aristotle in classical Greece and Confucius in pre-imperial China held that a good man had to have good manners.
2:8 However, concern with public civility is not simply an ancient tradition.
■ 第7段落
7:1 We began this essay by looking at a 500-yearold call for a more civil society, for a world in which respect for one another [47] (1.. outweighs 2. effaces 3. contrasts) any differences in opinion or belief.
7:2 But do we behave any better today than the violent barbarians of Erasmus’ day ?
7:3 We squabble over our rights, and ignore our obligations.
7:4 We believe the function of government is to give us the things we desire, prosperity, peace and progress, but we fail to volunteer for those non-governmental organizations, from hospitals to museums, that make civil society function.
7:5 We rarely [48] (1. fail 2. wish 3. bother) to follow our own codes of civil behavior even when they are clearly posted on trains, buses or planes.
7:6 We seem to be indulging in a collective act of [49] (1. forgetting 2. forging 3. restructuring) all of our manners and becoming the very barbarians Erasmus worried about.
7:7 The problem lies in the process by which the values of the market, which are characterized by emphasis on getting what we want, have been [50] (1. allowed 2. conditioned 3. blocked) to move into the social life of our communities where we have traditionally engaged in a discourse to help us decide what we should want.
7:8 However, it is not too late to rediscover civility, and thus preserve both our humanity and our civilization.
7:9 The key to reconstructing civility lies in our learning anew the virtue of acting towards our neighbors with kindness and concern, and to value the means of our achievements as well as the ends of our desires.
■ 第1段落
1:1 About 500 years ago, the Renaissance scholar Erasmus of Rotterdam was deeply concerned with the manners of his students.
1:2 He was worried because all of his life he had believed in communication through letters and books, conversation and teaching, and now his world had become divided on issues such as religion, governance and even scholarship―so divided that any discourse seemed impossible.

1:3 At the beginning of his career, Erasmus had been a teacher at Cambridge and some of his most popular writings were textbooks concerned [31] (1. for 2. about 3. with) using classical knowledge to train students to act correctly―with modesty, kindness and wisdom towards all in society, high and low.
1:4 Thus, he wrote one more book, On Teaching Civility for Children, which he hoped might solve the problems that his society faced.
■ 第4段落
4:1 Yet, [37] (1. all 2. not all 3. no) people are ready to accept civility.
4:2 In fact, some members of Congress refused to participate in the civility retreat mentioned above.
4:3 From both Republicans and Democrats, the same objection was raised―there is no need to be civil with those whose ideas we oppose.
4:4 Indeed, honesty requires that we should not hide real disagreements under the [38] (1. cover 2. function 3. structure) of social manners.
4:5 This was the argument of a much discussed essay by Benjamin DeMott entitled “Seduced by Civility.”
4:6 Published in The Nation in 1996, the article proposed that too much civility might [39] ( 1. deepen 2. mask 3. minimize) deep social conflict.
4:7 The demand for society to conform to the rules of civility, said DeMott, is how people [40] (1. in
2. Of 3. for) power avoid criticism.
4:8 In other words, civility and its related concepts are a gross hypocrisy meant to further oppress the disenfranchised in our society.
4:9 It is easy to “feel” the strength of this argument; after all, who has not felt like yelling at injustice or tearing down the walls of prejudice?
4:10 This argument is not, however, borne out historically.
4:11 It is, in fact, contradicted by recent social struggles.
■ 第6段落
6:1 From this experience we can not only observe the fallacy of Mr. DeMott’s anti-civility argument, but we can also sense an important social implication of civility―that civil discourse makes for a civil society.
6:2 Without a common sense of manners, we have no common [46] (1. property 2. link 3. factor).

6:3 Civility acts as a tie that binds us all together in a great democratic dialog.
6:4 As the historian Arthur Schlesinger observed, civility acts as “a letter of introduction” to assure strangers that despite apparent differences of ethnicity, belief or socio-economic status, we are one community linked by shared practices of politeness and a belief in civility as a code of conduct.
■ 第7段落
7:1 We began this essay by looking at a 500-yearold call for a more civil society, for a world in which respect for one another [47] (1.. outweighs 2. effaces 3. contrasts) any differences in opinion or belief.
7:2 But do we behave any better today than the violent barbarians of Erasmus’ day ?
7:3 We squabble over our rights, and ignore our obligations.
7:4 We believe the function of government is to give us the things we desire, prosperity, peace and progress, but we fail to volunteer for those non-governmental organizations, from hospitals to museums, that make civil society function.
7:5 We rarely [48] (1. fail 2. wish 3. bother) to follow our own codes of civil behavior even when they are clearly posted on trains, buses or planes.
7:6 We seem to be indulging in a collective act of [49] (1. forgetting 2. forging 3. restructuring) all of our manners and becoming the very barbarians Erasmus worried about.
7:7 The problem lies in the process by which the values of the market, which are characterized by emphasis on getting what we want, have been [50] (1. allowed 2. conditioned 3. blocked) to move into the social life of our communities where we have traditionally engaged in a discourse to help us decide what we should want.
7:8 However, it is not too late to rediscover civility, and thus preserve both our humanity and our civilization.
[60] Which of the following would make the best title for this article?
1. The Heritage of the Civil Rights Movement
2. Manners and Civilization
3. What’s the Matter with Politicians Today ?
4. The Importance of Tradition

慶應義塾大学環境情報学部 問二 2005年度 英語長文問題解答 過去問 内容一致問題
■第1段落
1:1 The issue of sustainable urban development has concentrated the minds of governments and research organizations around the world.
1:2 Cities have been seen as the cause of environmental degradation and resource depletion, casting an ecological footprint across the globe, far beyond their immediate regions.
1:3 More often than not, cities are seen as problematic with congestion, pollution, poor housing, collapsing infrastructure, crime and poverty.
1:4 Yet it is cities that drive economies, and it is within them that innovation occurs and the majority of global output is produced.

■第2段落
2:1 Over the past five years the world has seen a 2.5% growth in urban population, but that [31](1. scatters 2. stands 3. varies) between the more developed regions (0.7%) and the less developed regions (3.3%).
2:2 In 1999, 47%, or 28 billion, of the world’s population lived in cities, and this is set to increase [32](1. by 2. to 3. with) around 70 million people each year.
2:3 The expectation is that by 2030 nearly 5 billion (61%) of the world’s 8.1 billion people will live in cities.
2:4 Of the urban population, for every one person now living in cities in developed countries, there are two in the cities of the developing world.
2:5 Within 30 years this proportion is predicted to rise to 1:4, indicating that 90% of the growth in urbanization will be in developing countries.

■第3段落
3:1 In these countries the expansion of urbanization is [33](1. controlling 2. growing 3. occurring) on an unimaginable scale.
3:2 Very large cities the megacities with populations of over 10 million people are becoming commonplace.
3:3 New York and Tokyo were the only megacities in 1960, but by 1999 there were 17.
3:4 In another 15 years projections suggest there will be at [34](1. largest 2. least 3. most) 26 such cities, 22 of which will be in developing countries, and 18 of these in Asia.
3:5 However, the most aggressive growth [35](1. Appears 2. Continues 3. Corresponds) to be in the cities of between 1 and 10 million.
3:6 In 1990, we had 270 million cities; by 2015, various predictions show that there may be between 358 and 516 of these cities.

■第4段落
4:1 It is questionable whether these statistics themselves necessarily represent a problem.
4:2 It is true that the [36](1 . better 2. more . very) size of the cities and the high proportion of the world’s population living within them will inevitably intensify problems, which will include the intensive use of resources such as land, water and energy, the overstretching of infrastructure, poor sanitation and health, and social and economic inequalities.
4:3 The more serious problem, however, is concerned with [37](1. affluent 2. broad 3. simple) lifestyles and wasteful use of land, both in developed and developing countries, which result [38](1. as 2. in 3. to) a disproportionate use of resources and urban forms that are often unsustainable.
4:4 For example, commercial enterprises outside cities such as the ubiquitous shopping mall are likely to cause most waste, pollution and harmful emissions.
4:5 Also the lifestyles of those living in low-density suburban areas on the periphery will be responsible [39](1. by 2. for 3. to) the consumption of more resources than those with similar incomes living in cities.

■第5段落
5:1 Cities may have problems, but they are not necessarily a problem in themselves.
5:2 According to some urban planners in England, it is the ‘failure of effective governance within cities that explains the poor environmental performance of so many cities rather than a [40] (1.active 2. exceptional 3. inherent) characteristic of cities in general.’
5:3 The manipulation of urban form, and the provision of better forms of governance, may go some way to overcome city problems.
5:4 [41](1. Because of 2. Despite. Instead of) many problems, the fastest growing cities in developing countries have benefits for those living there.
5:5 They can provide ‘enhanced opportunity for millions of people’ and ‘refuges from a stifling, restrictive rural life’ that may no longer be economically sustainable.
5:6 The sheer vitality and numbers of people and ideas tend to change attitudes and lifestyles, and lead to higher [42](1. aspirations 2. levels 3. means) to improve standards of living.
5:7 How, then, does this tendency relate to sustainable development and sustainable urban form?

■第6段落
6:1 There is a strong [43](1. barrier 2. force 3. link) between urban form and sustainable development, but it is not simple and straightforward.
6:2 It has been suggested that a sustainable city must be of a form and scale appropriate to walking, cycling and efficient public transport, and with a compactness that encourages social interaction.
6:3 Some other proponents have suggested forms with large concentrated centers, those with decentralized but compact settlements linked by public transport systems, or those with a set of self-sufficient communities based on development strategies [44](1. for 2. On 3. To) dispersion.■第8段落
8:1 The vision of the compact city has been dominated by the model of the densely developed core of many historic European cities.
8:2 These are a great attraction not just to architects, planners and urban designers, [46](1. and 2. but 3. or) to countless tourists who flock to see them.
8:3 They are seen, often by those from outside, as ideal places to live and experience the vitality and variety of urban life.
8:4 The danger is that it is a romantic vision, one which assumes a golden age that can be recaptured through urban form, leading to a sustainable and benign civility.
8:5 Perhaps it is not [47](1. believable 2. interesting 3. Surprising) that the strongest advocate for the compact city has been the European Community.

■第9段落
9:1 However, the compact city policies proposed so far have been based more in theory than in practice, and the arguments are contentious.
9:2 The theory is to an extent based on the assumption that restrictions on land use will help to concentrate development and lessen the need to travel, thus [48](1. generating 2. increasing 3. reducing) vehicle emissions.
9:3 The promotion of the use of public transport, walking and cycling is often cited as a solution.
9:4 Further reductions of harmful emissions might also result from more energy efficient land use planning, combined power and heating schemes, and energy efficient buildings.
9:5 It is also argued that higher densities may help to make the provision of amenities and facilities economically viable, [49](1.blocking 2. enhancing 3. reducing) social sustainability.

■第10段落
10:1 But on the down side, the compact city may become overcrowded and suffer a loss of urban quality, with less open space, more congestion and pollution, and may simply not represent the sort of environment in which the majority of people would wish to live if they had the [50](1.choice 2. interest 3. right).
[60] Which of the following makes the most suitable title for this article?
1. Historic Compact Cities in Europe
2. Sustainable Urban Governance in Developed Countries
3. Global Urbanization in Developing Countries
4. Sustainable Urban Forms

慶應義塾大学環境情報学部 問一 2002年度 英語長文問題解答 過去問 内容一致問題
■第2段落
2:1 Recently, a number of researchers have begun a systematic study of happiness.
2:2 Dozens of investigators around the world have asked a cross-section of several hundred thousand people to reflect on their happiness and satisfaction with life — or what psychologists call “subjective well-being.”
2:3 In the U.S., the National Opinion Research Center at the University of Chicago has surveyed a representative sample of roughly 1,500 people a year since 1957; the Institute of Social Research at the University of Michigan has carried out similar studies.
2:4 Government-funded efforts have also studied the moods of European citizens.

■第5段落
5:1 How can social scientists measure something as hard to pin down as happiness?
5:2 Most researchers simply ask people to report their feelings of happiness or unhappiness and to [3](1. count 2. assess 3. realize) how satisfying their lives are.
5:3 Such self-reported well-being is moderately consistent over years of retesting.
5:4 Furthermore, those who say they are happy and satisfied seem happy to their close friends and family members and to a psychologist interviewer.
5:5 Their daily mood ratings reveal more positive emotions, and they smile more than those who call themselves unhappy.
5:6 Self-reported happiness also links to other [4](1. indicators 2. futures 3. formations) of well- being.
5:7 Compared with the depressed, happy people are less self-focused, less hostile and abusive and less susceptible to disease.

■第6段落
6:1 Researchers have found that the even distribution of happiness cuts across almost all demographic classifications of age, economic class, race and educational level.
6:2 In addition, almost all [5](1. research 2. study 3.real) strategies for assessing subjective well- being turn up similar findings.

■第6段落
6:1 Researchers have found that the even distribution of happiness cuts across almost all demographic classifications of age, economic class, race and educational level.
6:2 In addition, almost all [5](1. research 2. study 3.real) strategies for assessing subjective well- being turn up similar findings.

■第7段落
7:1 Interviews with representative samples of people of all ages, for example, reveal that no time of life is especially happier or unhappier.
7:2 [6](1. Simultaneously 2. Similarly 3.Definitely), men and women are equally likely to declare themselves “very happy” and “satisfied” with life, according to a statistical digest of 146 studies compiled by researchers at Arizona State University.
7:3 Other researchers at the University of Northern British Columbia and the University of Michigan summarizing surveys of 18,000 university students in 39 countries and 170,000 adults in 16 countries have supported these findings.

■第8段落
8:1 Ethnicity also gives little clue to subjective well-being.
8:2 African-Americans are only slightly less likely to feel “very happy” when compared to European- Americans.
8:3 The National Institute of Mental Health found that the rates of depression and alcoholism among blacks and whites are roughly equal.
8:4 Social psychologists at the University of California have also found that people in [7](1. discovered 2. aristocrat 3.disadvantaged) groups maintain self-esteem by valuing things at which they excel, by making comparisons within their own groups and by blaming problems on external sources such as prejudice.

■第9段落
9:1 Wealth is also a poor [8](1. predictor 2. fortune-teller 3. future) of happiness.
9:2 People have not become happier over time as their cultures have increased in wealth.
9:3 Even though Americans earn twice as much in today’s dollars as they did in 1957, the proportion of those telling interviewers from the National Opinion Research Center that they are “very happy” has declined from 35 to 29 percent.

■第10段落
10:1 Even very rich people — those surveyed among Forbes magazine’s 100 wealthiest Americans — are only slightly happier than the average American.
10:2 Those whose income has increased over a ten-year period are not happier than those whose income is stagnant.
10:3 Indeed in most nations the [9](1. collaboration 2. equation 3. correlation) between income and happiness is negligible — only in the poorest countries, such as Bangladesh, is income a good measure of emotional well-being.

■第13段落
13:1 In a large number of studies, four traits [12](1.diminish 2. evaluate 3.characterize) happy people.
13:2 First, especially in individualistic Western cultures, they like themselves.
12:3 They have high self-esteem and usually believe themselves to be more ethical, more intelligent, less prejudiced, better able to get along with others and healthier than the average person.
13:4 Second, happy people typically feel personal control.
13:5 Those with little or no control over their lives — such as prisoners, nursing home patients, severely impoverished groups or individuals, and citizens of totalitarian regimes — suffer lower morale* and worse [13](1. happiness 2. health 3. success).
13:6 Third, happy people are usually optimistic.
13:7 Fourth, most happy people are extroverted*.
13:8 Although one might expect that introverts* would live more happily in the calmness of their less stressed, contemplative lives, extroverts are happier — whether alone or with others.

■第5段落
5:1 How can social scientists measure something as hard to pin down as happiness?
5:2 Most researchers simply ask people to report their feelings of happiness or unhappiness and to [3](1. count 2. assess 3. realize) how satisfying their lives are.
5:3 Such self-reported well-being is moderately consistent over years of retesting.
5:4 Furthermore, those who say they are happy and satisfied seem happy to their close friends and family members and to a psychologist interviewer.
5:5 Their daily mood ratings reveal more positive emotions, and they smile more than those who call themselves unhappy.
5:6 Self-reported happiness also links to other [4](1. indicators 2. futures 3. formations) of well- being.
5:7 Compared with the depressed, happy people are less self-focused, less hostile and abusive and less susceptible to disease.

■第15段落
15:1 Whatever the reason, the close personal relationships that characterize happy lives are also correlated with health.
15:2 Compared with loners, those who can name several [15] (1.aged 2.intimate 3.social) friends are healthier and less likely to die prematurely.
15:3 For nine out of ten people, the most significant alternative to aloneness is marriage.
15:4 Although a broken marriage can cause much misery, a good marriage apparently is a strong source of support.
15:5 During the 1970s and 1980s, 39 percent of married adults told the National Opinion Research Center they were “very happy,” as compared with 24 percent of those who had never married.
15:5 In other surveys, only 12 percent of those who had divorced [16](1. perceived 2. correlated 3. persuaded) themselves to be “very happy.”

15:6 The happiness gap between the married and never married was similar for men and women.

■第16段落
16:1 Religiously active people also report greater happiness.
16:2 One survey found that highly religious people were twice as likely as those lowest in spiritual commitment to declare them very happy.
16:3 Other surveys, including a collaborative study of 166,000 people in 16 nations, have found that reported happiness and life satisfaction [17] (1. rise 2. relate 3.register) with the strength of religious affiliation and frequency of attendance at worship services.
16:4 Some researchers believe that religious affiliation [18] (1. equates 2. encourages 3. evolves) greater social support and hopefulness.

■第17段落
17:1 Researchers on happiness are now beginning to examine happy people’s exercise routines, worldviews and goals.
17:2 It is possible that some of the [19](1. traditions 2. customs 3. patterns) discovered in the research may offer clues for transforming circumstances and behaviors that work against well- being into ones that promote it.
17:3 Ultimately, then, the scientific study of happiness could help us understand how to build a world that[20] (1. enhances 2. evaluates 3. examines) human well-being and to aid people in getting the most satisfaction from their circumstances.

■第9段落
9:1 Wealth is also a poor [8](1. predictor 2. fortune-teller 3. future) of happiness.
9:2 People have not become happier over time as their cultures have increased in wealth.
9:3 Even though Americans earn twice as much in today’s dollars as they did in 1957, the proportion of those telling interviewers from the National Opinion Research Center that they are “very happy” has declined from 35 to 29 percent.

■第7段落
7:1 Interviews with representative samples of people of all ages, for example, reveal that no time of life is especially happier or unhappier.
7:2 [6](1. Simultaneously 2. Similarly 3.Definitely), men and women are equally likely to declare themselves “very happy” and “satisfied” with life, according to a statistical digest of 146 studies compiled by researchers at Arizona State University.
7:3 Other researchers at the University of Northern British Columbia and the University of Michigan summarizing surveys of 18,000 university students in 39 countries and 170,000 adults in 16 countries have supported these findings.

■第16段落
16:1 Religiously active people also report greater happiness.
16:2 One survey found that highly religious people were twice as likely as those lowest in spiritual commitment to declare them very happy.
16:3 Other surveys, including a collaborative study of 166,000 people in 16 nations, have found that reported happiness and life satisfaction [17] (1. rise 2. relate 3.register) with the strength of religious affiliation and frequency of attendance at worship services.
16:4 Some researchers believe that religious affiliation [18] (1. equates 2. encourages 3. evolves) greater social support and hopefulness.

■第6段落
6:1 Researchers have found that the even distribution of happiness cuts across almost all demographic classifications of age, economic class, race and educational level.
6:2 In addition, almost all [5](1. research 2. study 3.real) strategies for assessing subjective well- being turn up similar findings.

■第8段落
8:1 Ethnicity also gives little clue to subjective well-being.
8:2 African-Americans are only slightly less likely to feel “very happy” when compared to European- Americans.
8:3 The National Institute of Mental Health found that the rates of depression and alcoholism among blacks and whites are roughly equal.
8:4 Social psychologists at the University of California have also found that people in [7](1. discovered 2. aristocrat 3.disadvantaged) groups maintain self-esteem by valuing things at which they excel, by making comparisons within their own groups and by blaming problems on external sources such as prejudice.

■第11段落
11:1 Are people in rich countries happier, by and large, than the people in not so rich countries?
11:2 It appears in general that they are, but the margin may not be very large.
11:3 In Portugal, for example, only one in ten people reports being very happy, [10](1. whereas 2. whereby 3.wherefore) in the much more prosperous Netherlands the proportion of very happy people is four in ten.
11:4 Yet there are curious exceptions in this correlation between national wealth and well-being — the Irish during the 1980’s consistently reported greater life satisfaction than the wealthier West Germans.
11:5 Furthermore, other factors, such as civil rights, literacy and the duration of democratic government, all of which also [11](1. accept 2. promote 3.prove) a sense of life satisfaction, tend to go hand in hand with national wealth.
11:6 As a result, it is impossible to tell whether the happiness of people in wealthier nations is based on money or is a byproduct of other important aspects of life.

■第17段落
17:1 Researchers on happiness are now beginning to examine happy people’s exercise routines, worldviews and goals.
17:2 It is possible that some of the [19](1. traditions 2. customs 3. patterns) discovered in the research may offer clues for transforming circumstances and behaviors that work against well- being into ones that promote it.
17:3 Ultimately, then, the scientific study of happiness could help us understand how to build a world that[20] (1. enhances 2. evaluates 3. examines) human well-being and to aid people in getting the most satisfaction from their circumstances.
[30] Which of the following would make the 1nost appropriate title for this article?
1. Better Health through Smiling
2. Demographics as a Basis for Happiness
3. Subjective Well-being for Objective Goals
4. Formula for Self-Esteem

慶應義塾大学総合政策学部 問一 2002年度 英語長文問題解答 過去問 内容一致問題
■第1段落
1:1 The idea of using trade to create political stability is not a new one.
1:2 It took the form of imperialism in the late 19th century, when colonies were used to help the industrialization of the colonial powers.
1:3 After centuries of change, the fundamental principle remains the same, though with a shift in focus.
1:4 Now, private companies rather than governments are attempting to foster peace between groups in conflict by involving them in cooperative business ventures.
1:5 David Lubetsky, CEO of one such company, Peace Works, says, “The more companies operate and profit together, the more they will gain a common interest in preserving and cementing those bonds… and hopefully someday, prosperity will make stability prevail.”
1:6 This movement takes the socially conscious business practices of the last quarter century one step [1](1. more 2. further 3. far) ; rather than just promoting donations, this new theory gives businesses an incentive to become involved in creating peace by establishing commercial and personal links between groups in conflict.
[30] Which makes the best title for this article?
1. Peace and Profit through Joint Ventures
2. Technology, Conflict, and Change in the Middle East
3. The Irony of the Business of Cooperation Project
4. Coming Conflicts in the New Millennium

慶應義塾大学環境情報学部 問二 2001年度 英語長文問題解答 過去問 内容一致問題
■第1段落
1:1 The Roman poet Catullus lamented the death of a pet sparrow, probably a house sparrow or a tree sparrow.
1:2 In either case, a present-day Catullus would have ample cause for lamentation.
1:3 Both kinds of sparrows are among the many species of birds, insects and plants that have declined dramatically in Northern Europe during the past 25 years.

■第4段落
4:1 Rachel Carson’s classic 1963 books Silent Spring [3](1. announced 2. alerted 3. altered) the public to the toxic side effects sofa insecticides, such as DDT, that had fueled the green revolution.
4:2 Traces of these chemicals were found to persist in the food chain, reaching higher [4](1. worries 2. concentrations 3. weights), and hence having more severe effects, at successive levels in the food chain.
4:3 They were identified as the cause of rapid population decline in birds of prey, such as falcons and hawks, through the thinning of eggshells.
4:4 The offending chemicals have now been [5](1. phased out 2. accumulated 3. retained) in the United Kingdom and many other countries, but their use is still increasing in some parts of the world.

■第5段落
5:1 The new losses in biodiversity are sometimes called the “second Silent Spring.”
5:2 However, although they are [6](1. comparable 2. concerned 3. associated) with the intensification and industrialization of agriculture, they involve more subtle and indirect effects than the poisoning of wildlife by insecticides.
5:3 In general terms, intensification refers to making the greatest possible proportion of primary production available for human consumption.
5:4 To the [7](1. area 2. amount 3. extent) that this is achieved, the rest of nature is bound to suffer.

■第6段落
6:1 Can we be sure that the bird declines in the United Kingdom are caused by agricultural intensification?
6:2 Although the cause of these declines has not been proven, there are some suggestive figures.
6:3 For example, annual BTO censuses of 42 species of breeding birds show that 13 species living [8](1. exclusively 2. prevalently 3. geographically) in farmland declined by an average of 30% between 1968 and 1995, while 29 species of birds that can live anywhere have increased by an average of 23%.

■第7段落
7:1 The changes in British agriculture over the past 30 years, which have many parallels with other parts of the world, have sought to increase production and productivity.
7:2 The success of the green revolution in achieving this is undeniable.
7:3 In spite of rapid population growth, about 25% more food per person is produced now than 30 years ago.
7:4 However, the need to conserve wildlife [9](1. in comparison with 2. in opposition to 3. in harmony with) agriculture is beginning to be recognized.
7:5 Reforms have been proposed that will reduce the incentive for production and allow other important considerations, such as environmental benefits, to come into play.
7:6 But the proposals as they stand are [10](1. totally clear 2. virtually silent 3. completely sound) about what environmental benefits are expected and how they will be achieved.

■第8段落
8:1 The United Kingdom has three agricultural schemes that could have benefits for [11] (1.intensification 2. biodiversity 3. revolution).
8:2 Two of these schemes, the Environmentally Sensitive Areas and the Countryside Stewardship Scheme, both subsidize* farmers to preserve traditional landscape features.
8:3 Between them they cover about 12.5% of agricultural land.
8:4 Unfortunately, there are few data to [12](1. demonstrate 2. experiment 3. authorize) whether or not these schemes have benefits for biodiversity, although some habitats have been preserved or restored.
8:5 A third scheme, “set-aside,” subsidizes farmers to leave some fields uncultivated.
8:6 The available data show that set-aside can be beneficial for birds and other wildlife.
8:7 But set-aside will probably be discontinued early in the 21st century.
8:8 Although we can, as described above, devise schemes that may help a traditional environment or individual species to [13](1. recover 2. conserve 3. adhere), there appears to be no single program or combination of programs that can reverse the decline in a large general population such as farmland birds.
8:9 Therefore, the most general prescription seems to be to reverse the intensification of agriculture as a whole.

■第9段落
9:1 A slightly more specific prescription comes from the habitat heterogeneity and lower intensive agriculture found in the concepts of organic farming.
9:2 Although several comparisons of organic and conventional farms have [14](1. recommended 2. Suggested 3. Guaranteed) that organic farming is good for biodiversity, this benefit probably relates to such features as crop diversity and maintenance of natural field borders rather than to any “belief” in organic farming.
9:3 Although there have been no systematic comparisons of the biodiversity benefits of organic and other “wildlife friendly” farming methods, it seems that heterogeneous landscapes are good for birds.

■第10段落
10:1 On a larger scale, there are unresolved questions for conservation ecology about the [15](1. moral values 2. policy decisions 3. relative merits) of a less intensive, more environmentally friendly agriculture throughout the countryside on the Eastern European model versus a highly intensive agriculture in bread basket regions with separate, large nature reserves on the North American model.
10:2 The United Kingdom is probably too small for the North American model, but one could imagine some form of it on a Europe wide basis, especially if reduced subsidies were to make agricultural production [16](1. unresponsive 2. unrealized 3.uneconomic) in some areas, and instead conservation were to be subsidized.
[30] Which of the following will make the most suitable title for this article?
1. Conflicts between Organic Farming and Intensive Agriculture
2. Maintaining Biodiversity in the 21st Century Farmland
3. The Green Revolution: Comparisons between US and EU Agriculture
4. Genetically Modified Crops: Friend or Enemy?

慶應義塾大学環境情報学部 問一 2001年度 英語長文問題解答 過去問 内容一致問題
■第3段落
3:1 How do children do it?
3:2 It is possible that Project Washoe may indicate an answer.
3:3 This project was an attempt to teach a form of human language, namely American Sign Language, or ASL, to a chimpanzee named Washoe.
3:4 She acquired about 240 signs and produced them in sequences.
3:5 Her progress in learning ASL could help answer the question by [2] (1. pulling 2.switching 3. Shedding) light on the origins of language.
3:6 Until she began signing, it was assumed that sometime after our ancestors diverged from Washoe’s ancestors about six million years ago, we evolved an anatomical structure that enabled us to develop language.
3:7 But if Washoe could learn a human sign language it meant that the common ancestor of both humans and chimps also must have had the [3] (1. capacity 2. longing 3. admiration) for gestural communication.

■第7段落
7:1 Chomsky suggested that there is a “deep structure” of meanings that all languages have in common.
7:2 Those meanings are transformed into the words of different languages by means of a “universal grammar.”
7:3 He claimed that once this grammar was mapped out, it would [9](1. reveal 2. conceal 3. modify) the logical properties that govern the infinite variety of Sentences that can be formed.
7:4 This mapping task, however, proved almost impossible.
7:5 Every time the “universal grammar” encountered a new language it had to be revised.
7:6 One attempt to describe French in this fashion required twelve thousand items just to classify its verb structures.
[30] Which of the following will make the most suitable title for this article?
1. Project Washoe and its Implication for Language Acquisition
2. In Support of Chomsky’s Theory of Language Acquisition
3. The Significance of the Universal Grammar Hypothesis
4. American Sign Language and a Theory of Evolution

慶應義塾大学総合政策学部 問二 2001年度 英語長文問題解答 過去問 内容一致問題
■第1段落
1:1 Information technology, and the low cost communications it enables, is almost certainly the most fundamental change in the mechanisms of politics at the international level.
1:2 It has created a rich new set of both actors and interactions.
1:3 This explosion of interconnectivity and the number of players has created the possibility for a network-like structure for international discourse.
1:4 This structure contrasts sharply with the more hierarchical structure that previously constrained interactions.
1:5 It provides access for small groups that had no influence in the past.
1:6 Also, by connecting multiple levels of interactions, it facilitates the complex governance arrangements* developing in Europe (such as the EU and NATO).
1:7 Both the access and the complex governance arrangements are important new features of international politics.
1:8 These features increase the number of organizations with which nation-states can and must deal on international issues.

■第3段落
3:1 The consequences of technological change fall into two major categories: firstly, an increasing need to rely on scientific and technical knowledge in choosing policies; secondly, a need to address the uncertainty that scientific and technical change bring about in policy formation.

■第4段落
4:1 Advances in science change what we know (or believe we know) about our surroundings.
4:2 [3](1. Such as 2. As such 3. Such that), they would seem to have only a limited effect on international relations.
4:3 The experience of the past few decades, however, demonstrates that science is uncovering issues of consequence to the entire globe, [4](1. and 2. not 3. for) just one country or region.
4:4 Global warming, the potential disruption of oceanic climate patterns, and damage to the ozone layer are [5](1. but 2. except 3. not) a few examples.
4:5 This adds a new degree of complexity to international relations.
4:6 Increasingly, the modern world faces issues that are beyond our ability to understand through conventional experience.
4:7 They require scientific expertise to collect and interpret data, build and use simulation models, and [6](1. take 2. do 3. make) the judgements necessary for policy choices.

■第5段落
5:1 We have faced similar problems before; nuclear conflict is a prime example.
5:2 To a larger extent than [7](1.like 2. long 3.ever) before, the process of problem identification and policy response at the international level must be developed based on the scientific merits of the arguments.
5:3 This requires policymakers to rely on scientific expertise to a much greater extent than before.
5:4 The scientific community, with its concern that its freedom of inquiry will be restrained if lines of investigation are determined by policy needs, is often constrained by its own disciplines on broad ranging issues.
5:5 The policy community, with its need for clear and sometimes overly [8](1. lengthy 2. complex
3. simple) explanations, is often limited by its understanding of scientific matters.
5:6 While this is changing, neither group is currently well suited to work with the other to shape policy at the international level.

■第6段落
6:1 The adaptation necessary to continue stable economic growth, [9](1. address 2. refer 3. speak) global environmental problems, or prevent conflict while preserving national interests will be a challenge of the first [10](1. order 2. color 3. line).
6:2 But, the problem is compounded by the growing pace of change in Science and technology, the unpredictable source of that change, and the uncertain nature of the advance.
6:3 This makes our usual approaches to formulating policy and strategy more likely to produce results that are either ineffective due to changing circumstances or harmful due to unintended consequences.

■第7段落
7:1 We usually choose strategies or policies that are in some sense “best” for example, the most cost effective — for the envisioned future.
7:2 These choices may not serve us well when scientific or technological advances change the [11] (1. ground 2. Surface 3. underground) rules.
7:3 One approach to managing this problem is to regard more carefully the range of possible future scenarios rather than focusing on the few we believe to be more likely.
7:4 We often use this approach as individuals but rely on it less frequently in choices of international policy.
7:5 When we step out in the morning, we take the weather forecast with skepticism.
7:6 For example, we consider it quite likely that we will be faced with other scenarios despite a prediction of fair weather we might carry an umbrella, [12](1.by all means 2. just in case 3. this being so).
7:7 Choosing robust strategies — ones that can accommodate the futures wide range of possibilities
— has the potential for fewer regrets.

■第8段落
8:1 This shift away from “best” strategies to “robust” strategies will require a different approach both by the public and by policymakers.
8:2 Currently a policy structured to adapt to changes in the international arena is often [13](1. esteemed 2. viewed 3. referred) as “ill-defined” or “no policy at all.”
8:3 Yet these approaches — adaptive strategies that can deal with alternative futures — are some of the key tools we use as individuals to cope with uncertainty in everyday life — as illustrated by the umbrella.

■第7段落
7:1 We usually choose strategies or policies that are in some sense “best” for example, the most cost effective — for the envisioned future.
7:2 These choices may not serve us well when scientific or technological advances change the [11] (1. ground 2. Surface 3. underground) rules.
7:3 One approach to managing this problem is to regard more carefully the range of possible future scenarios rather than focusing on the few we believe to be more likely.
7:4 We often use this approach as individuals but rely on it less frequently in choices of international policy.
7:5 When we step out in the morning, we take the weather forecast with skepticism.
7:6 For example, we consider it quite likely that we will be faced with other scenarios despite a prediction of fair weather we might carry an umbrella, [12](1.by all means 2. just in case 3. this being so).
7:7 Choosing robust strategies — ones that can accommodate the futures wide range of possibilities
— has the potential for fewer regrets.

■第10段落
10:1 Additional obstacles exist.
10:2 Other challenges include distinguishing between insufficiently defined policy approaches and adaptive approaches, and accurately judging how much is enough when designing initiatives that can deal with [16](1. which 2. what 3. that) are seemingly unlikely alternative futures.
10:3 It is even more difficult to build the public and international consensus necessary to implement policies that are more complex and difficult to explain.
10:4 [17](1. Therefore 2. Nonetheless 3. All the more), recently completed analysis on global climate change indicates that it is possible to formulate adaptive strategies and to demonstrate their suitability for problems of an international scope.
10:5 Other work on national security strategy suggests that strategies that can deal with a variety of futures are both practical and affordable.
[28] According to this article, which of the fallowing is correct?
1. A recent analysis on global climate supports not robust strategies but adaptive strategies.
2. Adaptive strategies are useful but used too much for problems of an international scope.
3. It is suggested that “best” strategies that can deal with a variety of futures are both practical and affordable.
4. It is suggested that “robust” strategies that can deal with a variety of futures are both practical and affordable.

■第11段落
11:1 Advances in science and technology may fundamentally change the “way the world works” in surprising and unanticipated ways.
11:2 They have the potential to [18](1. reproduce 2. redefine 3. refuse) the actors on the international stage and to change the objectives of those actors in dealing with others.
11:3 They can also affect commerce, conflict, and international politics.
11:4 Increasing economic instability and the rapid creation of wealthy multilateral corporations are possible consequences.
11:5 A shift in the nature of warfare to more hidden and secret [19](1. forms 2. formalities 3. fortress) of conflict and a decrease in the influence and sovereignty of the nation-state are also possible.
11:6 In the face of such [20](1. peripheral 2. fundamental 3. misdirected) changes, we need to find ways to regard more carefully the range of possible changes and choose policies and strategies that work, despite advances in Science and technology.
[30] Which of the following will make the most suitable title for this article?
1. The Scientific Consequences of Network Governance
2. Network Governance and Robust Policy Management
3. The Supremacy of Science in Network Governance
4. The Collapse of Science and Network Governance

慶應義塾大学環境情報学部 問二 2000年度 英語長文問題解答 過去問 内容一致問題
■第2段落
2:1 When the photograph first appeared, it accompanied a story of the famine that has once again [1] (1. moved 2. solved 3. resulted from) political violence and the chaos of civil war in the southern Sudan.
2:2 The Times’ self-congratulatory account fails to adequately evoke the image’s shocking effect.
2:3 The child is [2] (1. much 2. hardly 3. a little) larger than an infant; she is naked; she appears bowed over in weakness and sickness, incapable, it would seem, [3] (1. from 2. of 3. for) moving; she is unprotected.
2:4 No mother, no family, no one is present to prevent her from being attacked by the vulture, or succumbing to starvation and then being eaten.
2:5 The image suggests that she has been abandoned.
2:6 Why?
2:7 The reader again is led to imagine various [4] ( 1. scenarios 2. styles 3. col lections) of suffering: she has been lost in the chaos of forced uprooting; her family has died ; she has been deserted near death in order for her mother to [5] ( 1. keep up with 2 .get rid of 3. hold on to) more viable children.
2:8 The image’s great success is that it causes the reader to want to know more.
2:9 Why is this innocent victim of civil war and famine unprotected?
2:10 The vulture embodies danger and evil, but the greater dangers and real forces of evil are not in the “natural world”; they are in the political world, [6] (1. including 2. predicting 3. speaking of) those nearby in army uniforms or in government offices in Khartoum.
2:11 Famine has become a political strategy in the Sudan.
[23] The authors consider Kevin Carter’s photograph to be powerful and successful because
1. it impressively captures the famine caused by political turmoils in the Sudan.
2. it has a vulture that embodies danger and evil.
3. it shows that an infant, the victim of civil war and famine, is unprotected.
4. it has a strong image that evokes a number of questions and speculations.

■第7段落
7:1 One message that comes across from viewing suffering from a distance is that [15] (1. based on 2. together with 3. for all) the havoc and chaos in Western society, we are somehow better than this African society.
7:2 We gain in moral status, and some of our organizations gain financially and politically, while those whom we represent, or appropriate, remain where they are, slowly dying, surrounded by [16] ( 1. vultures 2. chance 3. mistake).
7:3 This “consumption” of suffering in an era of so-called “disordered capitalism” is not so very different from the late nineteenth-century view that the savage barbarism in non-Christian lands justified the valuing of our own civilization at a higher level of development — a view that authorized colonial exploitation.
7:4 Both are [17] (1. forms 2. aware 3. igno rant) of cultural representation in which the moral, the commer cial, and the political are deeply involved in each other.
7:5 The point is that the image of the vulture and the child carries cultural entailments, including the brutal history of colonialism as well as the dubious cultural baggage of the more recent programs of “modernization” and globalization (of markets and financing), that have too often [18] ( 1. improved 2. worsened 3. overcame) human problems in sub-Saharan Africa.

■第9段落
9:1 The photograph is a professional transformation of social life, a politically relevant rhetoric, a constructed form that ironically naturalizes experience.
9:2 As Michael Shapiro puts it,
… representation is the absence of presence, but because the real is never wholly present to us — how it is real for us is always [20](1. cut 2. gone 3. mediated) through some representational practice — we lose something when we think of representation as mimetic (or the exact copy of reality) …

■第8段落
8:1 Another effect of the world’s political and economic appropria tion of images of such serious forms of suffering at a distance is that it has desensitized the viewer.
8:2 Viewers are overwhelmed by the sheer number of brutal massacres.
8:3 There is too much to see, and there appears to be too much to do anything about.
8:4 Thus, our epoch’s dominating sense that complex problems can be neither understood nor fixed [19] (1. strikes 2. works 3. conflicts) with the massive globalization of images of suffering to produce moral fatigue, exhaustion of empathy, and political despair.

■第3段落
3:1 The photograph has been [7] (1. taken 2. kept back 3. reprinted) many times, and it has been duplicated in advertisements for a number of nongovernmental aid agencies that are raising funds to provide food to refugees.
3:2 This is a classic instance of the use of moral sentiment to mobilize support for social action.
3:3 One [8] (1. should appreciate 2. cannot look at 3. will evaluate) this picture without wanting to do something to protect the child and drive the vulture away, or, as one aid agency puts it, to prevent other children from succumbing in the same heartlessly inhuman way by giving a donation.

■第9段落
9:1 The photograph is a professional transformation of social life, a politically relevant rhetoric, a constructed form that ironically naturalizes experience.
9:2 As Michael Shapiro puts it,
… representation is the absence of presence, but because the real is never wholly present to us — how it is real for us is always [20](1. cut 2. gone 3. mediated) through some representational practice — we lose something when we think of representation as mimetic (or the exact copy of reality) …

■第5段落
5:1 Those moral questions particular to Carter’s relationship (or nonrelations hip) to the dying child were only intensified when, on July 29, 1994, a few months after the Pulitzer Prize was given, The New York Times ran a death announcement for Kevin Carter, who had committed suicide at age thirty-three.
[30] The title of the passage, which captures the essence of the article, would be :
1. Famine in Sub Saharan Africa
2. Photo-journalism: A Powerful Tool for Social Justice
3. The Problem of the Pulitzer Prize Winning Photograph
4. The Social Construction of Suffering

慶應義塾大学総合政策学部 問一 2000年度 英語長文問題解答 過去問 内容一致問題
■第3段落
3:1 Kay: I think the book makes a good starting point because it was a great invention for distance learning.
3:2 The disembodied nature of the symbols provides a different stimulus to imagination than face- to-face learning does.
3:3 I think reading [1](1. detects 2. lessens 3. strengthens) the ability to imagine things and deal abstractly.
3:4 But, I ask, is there anything a new technology like computers could add?
3:5 In fact there is; not a lot of things, but a couple of really important ones.

■第4段落
4:1 One is dialoging, Socrates preferred method of learning.
4:2 In a good essay, the author [2](1.unless 2. invites 3. increases) the reader to argue with him or her a little bit.
4:3 But debate usually stops in scientific or technical essays when an author puts a formula in.
4:4 Most people, even educated people, [3](1. unless 2. when 3. while) they know something special about the topic or the formula, are pretty much at the mercy of the authors claims.
4:5 So it would be great if those mathematical symbols in a formula could lead into a computer simulation of what’s being talked about in the essay — if the reader could experiment as much as the author had.
4:6 So the computer can provide an extra dimension in which people can argue more deeply with the author.

■第8段落
8:1 I always think of the longevity of the lecture method [8](1. in use 2. in demand 3. in style) in most universities.
8:2 In the 15th century, just before the invention of the machine-made book, a professor had the only manuscript of an author’s work.
8:3 So of course, lecturing made sense.
8:4 In the first fifty years after the invention of printing, more than eight million books were printed.
8:5 You would think that the lecture method would have disappeared.
8:6 [9](1.When 2. Why 3. Where) should we have a professor standing in front of a group of students who could all read the same book that the professor had?
8:7 The odd thing is that at New York University, this [10](1. one 2. very 3. only) day, probably 95% of the instruction is through the lecture method.
8:8 So I have to ask why, after 500 years, were still using a method that ought to have become obsolete through technological development.

■第10段落
10:1 Kay: It’s possible that the label distance learning” is a bit misleading.
10:2 To me, most of the real learning that happens doesn’t happen in a social situation.
10:3 That’s only where you find out about things.
10:4 Real learning happens when you go off and [13](1. try out 2. hold out 3. take out) these new models that you are trying to build in order to comprehend ideas that you haven’t been able to deal with before.
10:5 To me, almost all real learning is a kind of distance learning.
10:6 Your [14](1. more or less 2. more and more 3. more than less) off by yourself.

■第9段落
9:1 I don’t know what the answer would be, [11](1. except that 2. so that 3. just that) there is some power in the oral tradition and in the fact of compresence which facilitates learning and makes it into a certain kind of event that can’t be duplicated by technology.
9:2 So I am [12](1. realistic 2. Optimistic 3. Skeptical) when people talk about distance learning as a future process that will replace the current methods of teaching and learning

■第13段落
13:1 An interesting [17]( 1. prospect 2. aspect 3. respect) of this discussion is that technology could lead to a broad change in the way people see themselves, much as the book did.
13:2 In Elizabeth Eisenstein’s book, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change, she ends a chapter by saying that the preprinting culture held narcissism in check, and the printing press released it.
13:3 There is little doubt that the book created a sense of individuality and self that didn’t exist before.

■第14段落
14:1 Kay: One of the things that Marshall McLuhan pointed out in Gutenberg Galaxy was that the sense of the individual [18](1. One 2. People 3. Self) in the Renaissance was somehow connected with the fact that you could take a book by yourself under a tree and think your own thoughts for the first time.

■第16段落
16:1 Kay: That might happen if computers weren’t connected to the Internet.
16:2 After the Internet caught on we found that by far the most popular things on the Internet are what you might call tribalization mechanisms such as chat rooms, forums, virtual spaces, where people could find each other.
16:3 So there are enormous numbers of people doing what you might call “clubbing.”
16:4 I don’t call them communities.
16:5 I call them clubs of people of similar interests; and these constitute something that looks a lot like McLuhan’s “global village,” but more divided and fragmented.

■第17段落
17:1 Postman: I very much like the idea that you use the word “clubbing,” which I prefer to community.
17:2 I think we have to pay a lot of attention to the new words were using in the computer age.
17:3 My point is that we need to pay attention to differences.
17:4 When we talk about distance learning, we have to ask ourselves what are the differences between what we call “distance learning” and other kinds of learning.
17:5 If we are careful about noting those [20](1. commonalities 2. differences 3. similarities), then we can make better use of these new technologies.
[30] Which one of the following would make the best title for this dialog?
1. Five Centuries of Educational Methodologies
2. Students, Will They Ever Learn?
3. Concepts in Learning: Technologies and Change
4. Tribalization in a Global Village

慶應義塾大学環境情報学部 問一 1999年度 英語長文問題解答 過去問 内容一致問題
■第9段落
9:1 This insight was so (13) (1. progressive 2. painful 3. momentous) for Lovelock that he still remembers the exact moment when it occurred:
9:2 For me, the personal revelation of Gaia came quite suddenly like a flash of enlightenment.
9:3 I was in a small room on the top floor of a building at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory in Pasadena, California.
9:4 It was the autumn of 1965… and I was talking with a colleague, Dian Hitchcock, about a paper we were preparing….
9:5 It was at that moment that I glimpsed Gaia.
9:6 An awesome thought came to me.
9:7 The Earth’s atmosphere was an extraordinary and unstable mixture of gases, yet I knew that it was constant in composition over quite long periods of time.
9:8 Could it be that life on Earth not only made the atmosphere, but also (14) (1. froze 2. regulated
3. generated) it — keeping it at a constant composition, and at a level favorable for organisms?

■第12段落
12:1 In 1969, at a scientific meeting in Princeton, Lovelock for the first time presented his hypothesis of the Earth as a self-regulating system.
12:2 Shortly after that a novelist friend, recognizing that Lovelock’s idea represents the renaissance of a powerful ancient myth, suggested the name “Gaia hypothesis” in honor of the Greek goddess of the Earth.
12:3 Lovelock gladly accepted the sugges tion and in 1972 published the first extensive version of his idea in a paper titled “Gaia as Seen through the Atmosphere.”
(30) The best title for this article is:
1. The Organization of Living Systems.
2. Reflections of Life on Mars.
3. Gaia — the Living Earth.
4. Improving Our Knowledge of Space Exploration.

慶應義塾大学総合政策学部 問一 1999年度 英語長文問題解答 過去問 内容一致問題
■第26段落
26:1 To the scientists, the genome project is akin to building a national highway system, an infrastructure for the hoped-for cures and the unexpected discoveries that will come later.
26:2 They know that the pace of those discoveries will be uneven and unpredictable — that’s the way science usually works.
(30) Which of the following would make the best title for this report?
1. The Dangers of Genetic Research
2. Genetic Research — A Scientific Issue
3. A New Look at Genetic Research
4. Science and Society

慶應義塾大学環境情報学部 問二 1998年度 英語長文問題解答 過去問 内容一致問題
■第7段落
7:1 Often the process of our artwork is thrown onto a new track by the inherent balkiness of the world.
7:2 Murphy’s Law states that if anything can go wrong, it will.
7:3 Performers experience this daily and hourly.
7:4 When dealing with instruments, tape recorders, projectors, computers, sound systems, and theater lights, there are inevitable breakdowns before a performance.
7:5 A performer can become sick.
7:6 A valued assistant can quit at the last minute, or lose his girlfriend and become mentally incapacitated.
7:7 Often it is these very accidents that give rise to the most (6) (1. ingenuous 2. indigenous 3. ingenious) solutions, and sometimes to off-the-cuff creativity of the highest order.

■第8段落
8:1 Equipment breaks down, it is Sunday night, the stores are all closed, and the audience is arriving in an hour.
8:2 You are forced to do a little bricolage, improvising some new and crazy device.
8:3 Then you attain some of your best moments.
8:4 Ordinary objects or trash suddenly become valuable working materials,you’re your perceptions of what you need and what you don’t need (7)( 1. adversely 2. radically 3. momentarily) shift.
8:5 Among the things I love so much about performing are those totally unforeseen, impossible calamities.
8:6 In life, as in a Zen koan, we create by shifting our perspective to the point at which interruptions are the answer.
8:7 The (8) (1. sharpening 2. relaxation 3. redirec tion) of attention involved in incorporating the accident into the flow of our work frees us to see the interruption with new eyes, and find the alchemical gold in it.

■第9段落
9:1 Once I was preparing for a full evening poetry performance, with multiscreen slide projections and electronic music I had composed on tape for the occasion.
9:2 But in the course of overrehearsing during the preceding week, I managed to give myself a case of laryngitis, and woke up the morning of the performance with a ruined voice and a high fever.
9:3 I was (9) (1. ready 2. forced 3. obliged) to cancel, but in the end decided that would be no fun.
9:4 Instead I dropped my attachment to my music and preempted the sound system for use as a public address system.
9:5 I sat in an old wicker wheelchair and croaked into a microphone.
9:6 My soft, spooky, obsessive, guttural voice, amplified, became an instrument of qualities that totally surprised me, releasing me to find a hitherto unsuspected depth in my own poetic line.

■第10段落
10:1 A “mistake” on the violin : I have been playing some pattern : 1, 2, 3, 6 ; 1, 2, 3, 6.
10:2 Suddenly I make a slip and play 1, 2, 3, 7, 6.
10:3 It doesn’t matter to me at the time whether I have broken a rule or not; what matters is what I do in the next tenth of a second.
10:4 I can adopt the traditional attitude, treating what I have done as (10) (1. a mistake 2. and improvisation 3. and innovation): Don’t do it again, hope it doesn’t happen again, and in the meantime, feel guilty.
10:5 Or I can repeat it, amplify it, and develop it further until it becomes a new pattern.
10:6 Or beyond that I can drop neither the old pattern nor the new one but discover the unforeseen context that includes both of them.

■第13段落
13:1 The history of science, as we well know, is liberally (15) ( 1. peppered 2. preoccupied 3. prepared) with stories of essential discoveries seeded by mistakes and accidents: Fleming’s discovery of penicillin, thanks to the dust-borne mold that contaminated his petri dish; Roentgen’s discovery of X-rays, thanks to the careless handling of a photographic plate.
13:2 Time after time, the quirks and mishaps that one might be tempted to reject as “bad data” are often the best.
13:3 Many spiritual traditions point up the vitality we gain by reseeding the value of what we may have rejected as insignificant: “The stone which the builders refused,” sing the Psalms of David, “has come to be the cornerstone.”

■第16段落
16:1 The Vietnamese Buddhist poet-priest, Thich Nhat Hanh, devised an interesting telephone meditation.
16:2 The sound of the telephone ringing, and our semiautomatic instinct to jump up and answer it, seem the very opposite of meditation.
16:3 Ring and reaction bring (19) (1. in 2. out 3. along) the essence of the choppy, nervous character of the way time is lived in our world.
16:4 He says use the first ring as a reminder, in the midst of whatever you were doing, of mindfulness, a reminder of breath, and of your own center.
16:5 Use the second and third rings to breathe and smile.
16:6 If the caller wants to talk, he or she will wait for the fourth ring, and you will be ready.
16:7 What Thich Nhat Hanh is saying here is that mindfulness, practice, and poetry in life are not to be reserved for a time and place where everything is perfect ; we can use the very instruments of society’s nervous pressures on us to (20)( 1. relieve 2. retrieve 3. repress) the pressure.
16:8 Even under the sound of helicopters-and this is a man who buried many children in Vietnam to the roar of helicopters and bombs he can say, “Listen, listen; this sound brings me back to my true self.”
(29) In this essay, the passage about the poet-priest, Thich Nhat Hanh, is not meant to illustrate
1. the importance of meditation to lessen nervous pressures of everyday life.
2. that anything can be used to our advantage if we are not shackled by preconceptions.
3. the way the telephone can be used as an instrument of meditation.
4. that poetry and creativity should be practiced when we feel calm.

慶應義塾大学環境情報学部 問一 1995年度 英語長文問題解答 過去問 内容一致問題
■第2段落
2:1 The information involved in animal communication can come from many sources; any facet of the environment (1)( 1. created 2. perceived 3. imagined) is considered information.
2:2 In linguistic communication the primary function of words is to convey information.
2:3 Similarly, animals (including man) have modes of behaviour that, in the course of evolution, were selected for their value in providing vehicles for conveying information.
2:4 During the evolutionary process some of these vehicles also (2)(1. remained 2. retained 3. underwent) more direct functions, but many became specialized for a communicative function alone.
2:5 These communicative acts, known as displays, include various posturings and movements; sounds; particular ways of making contact among individuals; the release of specialized chemicals called pheromones; and even electrical discharges.
2:6 Displays have been studied as important means for transmitting information in animal communication.
2:7 There are, of course, other information sources in animals, some of which have also undergone evolutionary (3)(1.specification 2. specialization 3. generalization) toward a communication function.
2:8 Among them are what may be called badges — i.e., attributes that are merely structural and nonbehavioral in nature: the red breast of the robin, the red underside of the breeding male stickleback fish, and the mane of the male lion.
2:9 Many other sources of information can be found in the repeated forms of interaction that develop during prolonged relationships between two individuals and in individual expectations about the nature of the roles in which they encounter others, both familiar associates and strangers.
2:10 The activities of individuals who interact socially provide a constant and usually rich information source, but, in the study of nonhuman communication, the bulk of systematic research thus far has been (4)(1. directed 2. induced 3. stipulated) toward displays and badges; it is, therefore, these highly specialized categories that are of the greatest concern here.

■第3段落
3:1 Because the complexity of social interactions makes experimental manipulation difficult, human understanding of the signalling in the social life of animals remains largely based upon inference.
3:2 It is difficult to repeat an example many times with rigid control of all (5)(1. variations 2. variables 3. functions) except the one being investigated, and attempts to structure the testing situation to simplify the form of interaction often obviate the interaction.
3:3 Displays are universal among animals of any degree of structural complexity, however, so that they would not have been evolved and retained if they lacked important function.
3:4 But the function of a display is likely to differ, depending upon the individuals involved.
3:5 A small bird seeing an approaching hawk, for example, may utter a vocal display indicating the high probability that it (the communicator) is, or soon will be, engaged in an attempt to escape.
3:6 Other small birds, upon hearing the vocalization, may seek cover immediately.
3:7 Hence, the function of the vocalization is to give them a better opportunity to remain alive and not to increase the immediate chances of survival of the communicator — indeed, its chances for survival may slightly decrease.
3:8 The display functions for the communicator (6)(1. in that 2. for which 3. for whom) it protects individuals whose continued existence provides a benefit to him greater than the cost of using the display.
3:9 These individuals may be his offspring or associates whose similar responses to the environment will provide him future protection and, through their alertness in the future, make it possible for him to spend less time (7) ( 1. glancing 2. looking 3. scanning) his surroundings for predators.

■第5段落
5:1 Second, communication permits animals to identify one another.
5:2 Individuals can thus select information of importance to them — usually from members of their own species and often particular individuals.
5:3 Special cases exist, however; members of different species that normally coexist in the same environment may attend each other’s signal.
5:4 Thus, the maximum alarm communicated by one songbird when it discovers a falcon or hawk in its environment is attended by all other songbirds species in the area.
5:5 In addition, by facilitating identification, communication acts at a premating level to help maintain reproductive isolation among species.

■第6段落
6:1 Third, communication reduces the amount of actual fighting and fleeing among animals, an excess of which could (10)(1. dislocate 2. disrupt 3. distribute) social encounters.
6:2 In functionally aggressive encounters, such as territorial or dominance disputes, this reduction is achieved by threat displays that often lead to some form of capitulation by one opponent before fighting occurs.
6:3 In less aggressive circumstances, communication enables animals to appease and (11)(.1. reassure 2. confirm 3. assess) one another that each is not likely to be initially aggressive in his present state.
6:4 Fourth, communication aids in (12) (1. positing 2. contracting 3. synchronizing) the behaviour of individuals who must come into appropriate physiological states in order to breed.
6:5 This is necessary within pairs and, in some species, among whole colonies of pairs.

■第10段落
10:1 One interesting aspect of birdsong is the occurrence of dialectal differences (regional variations) among populations of a single species living in different areas.
10:2 Several such changes that are known to occur between adjacent populations of the South American rufous-collared sparrow correlate with relatively major habitat changes.
10:3 Very few dialectal changes occur over an enormous range on the Argentine pampas, but in this case the habitat of the species also changes little.
10:4 The habitat changes markedly in the Andes mountains over short distances, however, as elevation rapidly increases, and, (19)(1. concurrently 2. additionally 3. jointly), many more dialectal changes occur there in birds’ songs.
10:5 The suggested function of the correlations between display and features of the habitat is that they provide markers that identify populations adapted to different local conditions; such markers would permit more appropriate selection of mates than would otherwise occur, at least in the marginal areas between populations.
10:6 It has been suggested that a similar (20)(1. structural 2. marginal 3. functional) explanation may by involved in the evolution of human dialects.

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