慶應義塾大学SFC 英語 語法三択テクニック 『接続詞(または、それに準ずる副詞)を選ぶ問題』

環境情報学部 1,995 問1、
■第4段落
4:1 From the ways and circumstances in which displays are used and from the apparent responses
of recipients, it is possible to (8) (1.emancipate 2. emulate 3. enumerate) the general functions of
animal communication.
4:2 First, displays guide animals to one another, (9) (1. thereby 2. therefore 3. thereof)enabling
one to advertise its presence and behavioral predispositions to potential recipients.
4:3 Displays enable individuals in a group to respond selectively to particular associates at
appropriate times.

環境情報学部 1,995 問2
■第9段落
9:1 Classical Liberalism — After the Revolution of 1688, Britain was thought to be the country
whose political practices were the most free.
9:2 The revolution had ensured that rulers would act according to legal process and that the
judiciary was independent of political control.
9:3 French writers like Voltaire and Montesquieu contrasted this situation with that of France
where, (9) (1. since 2. although 3. if) government in many respects was mild, it could act in an
arbitrary way.
9:4 Sentiments favorable to liberty were also widely promoted in the 18th century by a passionate
admiration for ancient Rome that was especially strong in France and the American colonies.

環境情報学部 1,996 問1、
■第5段落
5:1 Not unnaturally, psychologists and others have come increasingly to note that the qualities
required of leaders cannot be defined in the abstract; they must, (14)(1. moreover 2. on the
contrary 3. nevertheless), be related to the circumstances in which the leader emerges.
5:2 Leaders and their environment are so closely related that the question of the assessment of
their role has become extremely difficult to undertake.
5:3 Here too, biographies have described the achievements of arge numbers of great rulers but are
of little help in answering the question: how have leaders changed the course of history?
5:4 The question has become the subject of a major debate between those who emphasize
“heroes” and those who (15)(1. interpret 2. live in 3. ignore) the past on the basis of broad
economic and social trends in which leaders are mere symbols.

環境情報学部 1997 問1
■第12段落
12:1 Times have changed.
12:2 It used to be that we could blame the media for everything.
12:3 There was a guilty party.
12:4 (19)(1. Again 2. Because 3. Then) there were the virtuous voices that showed us who the
criminals were.
12:5 Art offered alternatives for those who were not prisoners of the mass media.
12:6 Those days are gone forever and we have to start again from the beginning, asking one
another what’s going (20) (1. on 2. to happen 3. to be happening).

■第3段落
3:1 And yet we (2) (1. considered 2. are considering 3. had considered) Kubrick an innovator of
genius.
3:2 But that is the point; the media have a history but they have no memory (two characteristics
that ought to be incompatible).
3:3 The mass media are genealogical because, in them, every new invention sets (3) (1. off 2. out
3. on) a chain reaction of inventions and produces a sort of common language.
3:4 They have no memory because, when the chain of imitations has been produced, no one can
remember who started it, and the head of the clan is confused with the latest great grandson.
3:5 (4)(1. Therefore 2. In contrast 3. Furthermore), the media learn ; and thus the spaceships of
Star Wars, descended from Kubrick’s, are more complex and plausible than their ancestor, and
now the ancestor seems to be their (5) (1 .imitator 2. origin 3. model).

環境情報学部 1,997 問2
■第4段落
4:1 Thought, (5) (1. on the contrary 2. in fact 3. in contrast), is often inimical to extrinsic learning.
4:2 The effects of propaganda, indoctrination, and operant conditioning all disappear with insight.
4:3 Take advertising, for example.
4:4 The simplest medicine for it is the truth.
4:5 You may worry about subliminal advertising and motivational research, but all you need are the
data which prove that a particular brand of toothpaste stinks, and you’ll be able to resist all the
advertising in the world.
4:6 As another example of the destructive effect of truth upon extrinsic learning, a psychology class
played a joke on their professor by secretly conditioning him while he was delivering a lecture on
conditioning.
4:7 The professor, without realizing it, learned to nod (i.e., acquired the habit of nodding) more and
more, and by the end of the lecture he was nodding continually.
4:8 As soon as the class told the professor what he was doing, however, he stopped nodding, and
of course after that no amount of smiling on the part of the class could make him nod again.
4:9 Truth made the learning (6) (1. accumulate 2. progress 3. disappear).
4:10 Extending this point, we ought to ask ourselves how much classroom learning is actually
supported by ignorance, and would be destroyed by insight.

環境情報学部 2,000 問1、
■第7段落
7:1 One notable source of weather in the tropics is the Madden Julian Oscillation(MJO), a
wave-like disturbance in the atmosphere with a period of 30-60 days that originates over
the Indian Ocean.
7:2 It could have been that the ocean got a healthy kick from the MJO at just the right time
to send it on a course towards record [16] (1. cold 2. low 3. high) temperatures.
7:3 The tropical Pacific was preconditioned for the beginning of an EI Nino by the build-up
of excess heat in the western equatorial Pacific due to stronger than normal trade winds in
1995-96.
7:4 However, beginning in late 1996, the MJO was particularly energetic, and several
cycles of the wave amplified through nonlinear ocean-atmosphere interactions [17](1.
since 2. as 3. because) they passed over the western Pacific.
7:5 This set in motion a series of positive feedbacks between the ocean and the
atmosphere which reinforced initial MJO-induced warming.

環境情報学部 2,000 問2
■第4段落
4:1 The photograph [9] (1. calls for 2. opens for 3. goes for) words to answer other
questions.
4:2 How did Carter allow the vulture to get so close without doing something to protect
the child?
4:3 What did he do after the picture was taken?
4:4 Was it in some sense posed?
4:5 [10] (1. Despite the fact that 2. Questioning that 3. Inasmuch as) Kevin Carter chose to
take the time, minutes that may have been critical at this point when she is near death, to
compose an effective picture rather than to save the child, is he not also to blame for the
child’s situation?

■第6段落
6:1 Watching and reading about suffering, especially suffering that exists [11]( 1. in the
past 2. nowhere 3. somewhere else), has become a form of entertainment.
6:2 Images of trauma are part of our political economy.
6:3 Papers are sold, television programs gain [12] (1. audience share 2. no program 3.
less time), careers are advanced, jobs are created, and prizes are awarded through the
consumption and appropriation of images of suffering.
6:4 Kevin Carter won the Pulitzer Prize, but his victory, substantial [13] (1. for 2. as 3. like)
it was, was won because of the misery (and probably death) of a nameless little girl.
6:5 That [14] (1. least 2. more 3. less) dubious side of the appropriation of human misery in
the globalization of cultural processes is what must be addressed.

■第7段落
7:1 One message that comes across from viewing suffering from a distance is that [15] (1.
based on 2. together with 3. for all) the havoc and chaos in Western society, we are
somehow better than this African society.
7:2 We gain in moral status, and some of our organizations gain financially and politically,
while those whom we represent, or appropriate, remain where they are, slowly dying,
surrounded by [16] ( 1. vultures 2. chance 3. mistake).
7:3 This “consumption” of suffering in an era of so-called “disordered capitalism” is not so
very different from the late nineteenth-century view that the savage barbarism in non-
Christian lands justified the valuing of our own civilization at a higher level of development
— a view that authorized colonial exploitation.
7:4 Both are [17] (1. forms 2. aware 3. ignorant) of cultural representation in which the
moral, the commercial, and the political are deeply involved in each other.
7:5 The point is that the image of the vulture and the child carries cultural entailments,
including the brutal history of colonialism as well as the dubious cultural baggage of the
more recent programs of “modernization” and globalization (of markets and financing), that
have too often [18] ( 1. improved 2. worsened 3. overcame) human problems in sub-
Saharan Africa.

環境情報学部 2,001 問1、
■第6段落
6:1 The theory, first advanced by Noam Chomsky, a well-known linguist at the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology, argued that language is acquired independently from other cognitive
abilities.
6:2 According to him, the rules of language are so complex, and the adult speech is so disordered,
that a child couldn’t possibly learn language by imitation.
6:3 [8] (1. In the same way 2. Instead 3. Nonetheless), the rules of language had to be encoded in
the brain.

環境情報学部 2,001 問2、
■第11段落
11:1 In the United Kingdom, as in most of Europe, people have made the landscape.
11:2 This means that the characteristic habitats and species that conservationists wish to preserve
are generally there because of traditional land management rather than [17](1. in spite of 2. in
conjunction with 3. in consequence of) it.
11:3 The future shape and purpose of the countryside is society’s choice.
11:4 At present, most of those in the United Kingdom who voice an opinion would prefer a
countryside in which agricultural production is moderated with conservation.
11:5 And on a worldwide stage this makes sense for a sustainable future: the green revolution
gave success at a price, and that price cannot be paid [18](1. finally 2. indefinitely 3. absolutely).

環境情報学部 2002 問1、
■第11段落
11:1 Are people in rich countries happier, by and large, than the people in not so rich countries?
11:2 It appears in general that they are, but the margin may not be very large.
11:3 In Portugal, for example, only one in ten people reports being very happy, [10](1. whereas 2.
whereby 3.wherefore) in the much more prosperous Netherlands the proportion of very happy
people is four in ten.
11:4 Yet there are curious exceptions in this correlation between national wealth and well-being —
the Irish during the 1980’s consistently reported greater life satisfaction than the wealthier West
Germans.
11:5 Furthermore, other factors, such as civil rights, literacy and the duration of democratic
government, all of which also [11](1. accept 2. promote 3.prove) a sense of life satisfaction, tend to
go hand in hand with national wealth.
11:6 As a result, it is impossible to tell whether the happiness of people in wealthier nations is
based on money or is a byproduct of other important aspects of life.

■第7段落
7:1 Interviews with representative samples of people of all ages, for example, reveal that no time of
life is especially happier or unhappier.
7:2 [6](1. Simultaneously 2. Similarly 3.Definitely), men and women are equally likely to declare
themselves “very happy” and “satisfied” with life, according to a statistical digest of 146 studies
compiled by researchers at Arizona State University.
7:3 Other researchers at the University of Northern British Columbia and the University of Michigan
summarizing surveys of 18,000 university students in 39 countries and 170,000 adults in 16
countries have supported these findings.

環境情報学部 2002 問1
■第4段落
4:1 Our closest living relatives are African apes, so why is an African origin for modern humans [6] (1. advantageous 2. discovered 3. controversial)?
4:2 The reason is that our immediate ancestors, now extinct, are known to have wandered out of
Africa as early as two million years ago.
4:3 The [7](1 .main 2. complex 3. typical) alternative to a model of an African origin is a
multiregional model that holds that modern humans arose simultaneously in Africa, Europe and
Asia from these ancestors.
4:4 Proponents of this view argue that the fossil record indicates transitions between, for example,
Neanderthals (H. neanderthalensis*) and modern humans in Europe, and between H. erectus* and
modern humans in Asia.
4:5 [8](1. Clearly 2. Therefore 3.However), the existence of non-African traditional fossils is
debatable, and there is genetic evidence that Neanderthals did not widely interbreed with modern
humans even though the two coexisted for at least 10,000 years.
4:6 Such coexistence is good evidence for recognizing the two as Separate species.

■第5段落
5:1 The key point of the mitochondrial evidence for an African origin has been several African
mitochondrial lineages that go far back in the evolutionary trees of human populations, [9] (1.because 2. even though 3.if) they have only had weak statistical support.
5:2 Gyllensten’s team also found this pattern, but obtained a stronger family tree by collecting a
larger data set than in previous studies.
5:3 Interpreted literally, the tree indicates that some Africans are genetically closer to Europeans
and Asians than to other Africans.
5:4 However, the history of a single gene or molecule may not [10](1.always 2. Sometimes 3.ever)
mirror that of the population, and other molecular studies place Africans in a single group.
5:5 [11](1. Otherwise 2. Together 3. Similarly), these studies suggest that the founding population
leaving Africa carried with it a group of mitochondrion alleles — alternative forms of the same gene
— and that African populations continued to interbreed after the exodus.

■第7段落
7:1 Another question is when H. sapiens arose in the first place.
7:2 Molecular clocks would be well suited to address that question if our closest relative were
living.
7:3 [14] (1. Also 2. Not only 3. But) the closest relative to modern humans, whether H. erectus or
some other species, is unfortunately extinct.
7:4 The earliest fossils of modern H. sapiens are 130,000 years old, so that is the most recent time
boundary for the origin of our species.
7:5 Studies of ancient DNA provide hints to the older time boundary.
7:6 The split between H. neanderthalensis (a species which is not necessarily our closest relative)
and H. sapiens has been indicated by a DNA clock at 465,000 years ago.
7:7 So our species probably arose somewhere between 130,000 and 465,000 years ago.
7:8 An estimate of 200,000 years ago is not [15] (1. possible 2. appropriate 3. unreasonable) given
the transition seen in the African fossil record between ancient and modern humans around that
time.

総合政策学部 1995 問1
■第3段落
3:1 The most extreme female socioeconomic disadvantage is found generally in agrarian and
pastoral societies.
3:2 Virtually all the great world religions, namely, those that spread beyond the tribal level,
developed in agrarian or mixed agrarian and pastoral societies.
3:3 Those that became monotheistic (e.g., Judaism, Christianity, Islam) dropped the female
element entirely (3) (1. from 2. over 3. in) their concept of the deity and original creation.
3:4 They came to view the sexes in an invidious fashion.
3:5 Women were barred from formal religious roles (4) (1. such as 2. rather than 3. for)the clergy,
were defined as polluted or as temptresses, and were made subject to the secular as well as
sacred authority of male kin.
3:6 Even when monotheism did not develop (e.g., Hinduism, Confucianism), the same types of
controls over women came to be justified by religion (5) (1. by means of 2. in spite of 3. on the
basis of) women’s supposed innate inferiority.

■第7段落
7:1 (14) (1. Concerning 2. Regardless of 3. Besides) standards of judgment, male assumptions
about the world, male definitions, and male perceptions of what constitute problems all become
synonymous with “reality.”
7:2 Western science has provided numerous examples of how sexism intrudes to shape even the
ostensibly most objective type of cultural production.
7:3 For example, in the seventeenth century European scientists defined sperm as carrying a
miniature fetus; the female provided only the environment for its growth.
7:4 The resulting (15) (1. child 2. wife 3. woman) “obviously” belonged to the father.
7:5 As (male) medical doctors took over childbirth from (female) midwives in the nineteenth
century, pregnancy and parturition became increasingly defined as a problem, even a kind of
illness; after all, physicians do not treat normal events.
7:6 Until about 1970 anthropologists largely ignored women’s extensive contributions to the food
supplies of preliterate societies, developing theories based on the centrality of male hunting to the
survival of families and (16) ( 1. cities 2. industry 3. societies).
7:7 Sigmund Freud and his followers defined masochism, passivity, and narcissism as normal
female traits and developed a theory to explain women’s innately inferior conscience.
7:8 Psychologist Carol Gilligan has demonstrated that males and females employ basically (17) (1.
possible 2. similar 3. different) notions of moral behavior.
7:9 The former tend to base morality on abstract principles, the latter on a (18) (1. concern with 2.
interpretation of 3. familiarity with) concrete relationships.
7:10 Yet the field of psychology has assumed that the masculine approach is synonymous with the
general concept of moral behavior and that therefore females are less moral.
7:11 Work has been defined by economists and sociologists in terms of the labor force, ignoring
the domestic labor of homemakers and (19) (1. implying 2. employing 3. inferring) that they do not
“work.”

総合政策学部 1,995 問2
■第3段落
3:1 If rule-following is a necessary prerequisite on the field of play, one might say that the existence
of such rules implies an off field structure to permit the alternation of rules amidst argument and
debate.
3:2 In fact, the more rules a sport may have, the more arguments and changes of rules can be
expected.
3:3 Cricket is probably the most ornate of all sports, demanding that the players (8) (1. break 2.
question 3. obey) both the formal rules and informal spirit of the game.
3:4 Not a season passes without the games officials arguing amongst themselves about changing
rules.
3:5 In fact controversies on the pitch can end up in the (9) (1. committee rooms 2. on the field
fights 3. new rules) as controversies about the appropriateness of rules.
3:6 This is certainly true of the most furious, and enduring, of cricket’s on the field controversies.
3:7 On the tour of Australia in 1932/3, the English bowlers adopted a tactic which the Australian
team and public considered to be unfairly dangerous.
3:8 The arguments stretched from the field of play right up to the highest levels of government.
3:9 As with Socrates and Protagoras, the words used in the dispute would not keep agreeably (10)
(1. open 2. still 3. conflicting), but the choice of terms became a matter of controversy in itself, as
well as being a signal of the speakers sympathies.
3:10 The British preferred to call their bowling tactic by the neutral, even academic, name of ‘Leg
Theory’, (11) ( 1. in case 2. even if 3. as if) nothing more than strategy were involved.
3:11 The Australians insisted on Bodyline to express their indignation with a ploy which they felt to
be unsparingly intimidator.
3:12 What is significant is that the controversy led to a change in the rules of cricket, and that the
merits of this change (12) (1. occasion 2. discontinue 3.discourage) arguments to this day amongst
the legislators of the game.

総合政策学部 1996 問1、
■第6段落
6:1 Credible communicators are looked upon as experts.
6:2 That is, they display a degree of competence in their field and are commonly viewed as
knowledgeable and experienced.
6:3 Furthermore, receiver judgments of competence are significantly influenced by the
communicator’s level of training, occupation, and experience.
6:4 This value judgment made on the part of the receiver is important in whether the message is
accepted or rejected.
6:5 If the receiver believes the communicator has (6)( 1. disposed 2. displayed 3. dismissed) a high
degree of competence, then it is much more likely that the message being conveyed will have an
impact.
6:6 In addition to this, a communicator’s degree of trustworthiness is also (7) (1. assessed 2.
assured 3. accorded) by the receiver.
6:7 If a communicator is viewed as being truthful then the message will seem much more reliable
and acceptable.
6:8 On the other hand, if a persuasive message is remembered but not its source, then the
influence of a communicator of high credibility may have a diminishing effect over time.
6:9 However, low credibility communicators may receive a beneficial gain in this situation which
would result in having a more persuasive response to their message after a period of time has
passed.
6:10 This is a phenomenon known as the sleeper effect that occurs under circumstances in which
the receiver remembers the message but not reasons that may (8)(1. discount 2. support 3.
discourage)it.
6:11 For example, a receiver may remember factual information from a message but forget about
the credibility of the communicator and other source factors which we normally rely upon to judge
information.
6:12 (9)(1. Thus 2. On the contrary 3. In addition), practical issues that may influence the credibility
of communicators include their rate of delivery and the degree of confidence in their tone.
6:13 A communicator is viewed as more credible if his or her speech contains no hesitations and is
delivered at a rapid pace.

■第9段落
9:1 In cases where existing audiences are composed of well-educated people, messages that
have objective and rational appeals tend to be much more persuasive than those containing fearful
or emotional appeals.
9:2 (12)(1. Otherwise 2. Likewise 3. However), highly motivated and involved audiences are
equally as responsive to rational appeals.
9:3 On the other hand, audiences that may be less analytically oriented or not personally involved
in the message content will be motivated more by the liking of the communicator than the content
of the message.

総1 宮合政策学部 1996 問2、
■第8段落
8:1 Gadamer sees in this essential historicity of our being the cause of our (12)(1. competence 2.
tendency 3. inability) to achieve full explicit understanding of ourselves.
8:2 The nature of our being is determined by our cultural background, and (13)(1. after 2. since 3.
before) it is formed in our very way of experiencing and living in language, it cannot be made fully
explicit in that language:

総合政策学部 1,997 問1、
■第4段落
4:1 Local migrations are usually motivated by housing and aspects of residential environment such
as schools.
4:2 The chief factor in long-distance migrations is employment, [7](1. in that 2. thereby 3.
although) differences in housing and climate are the main incentive for elderly people to migrate
long distances.
4:3 The volume of migration tends to be [8](1. inversely 2. generally 3. positively) proportional to
the distance traveled, because nearby communities are better known.
4:4 For the same reason the volume of internal migration is greater than that of international
migration.

■第8段落
8:1 Another obstacle to migration is the unwillingness of people to consider moving because of
commitments to family, friends, property, and community.
8:2 [13](1. Nonetheless 2. In addition 3. For this reason), the migration rate for older groups is
lower than for young adults and their children.
8:3 Transportation costs are often a great obstacle, and some countries and private enterprises
that have[14](1. restricted 2. promoted 3. rejected) immigration have offered financial incentives
to desired new comers.

■第11段落
11:1 When immigrants of diverse cultural backgrounds are assimilated into a new society, they
may contribute to the dominant culture.
11:2 The degree to which assimilation occurs depends on the migrants’ ability and on the receiving
society’s willingness to accept them.
11:3 Assimilation works best where mutual integration is desired, permitting the incoming
individuals and groups to remain different [19](1. such that 2. so that 3. so long as) they do not
be come dominant or cause disunity.
11:4 Where minorities have remained unintegrated or where an attempt has been made to achieve
[20](1. social welfare 2. mutual independence 3. complete uniformity), cultural collisions have
occurred.
11:5 In the United States the concept of the population as a “melting pot”or uniform blend of human
ingredients, has changed since the mid-20th Century.
11:6 It is now generally recognized that immigration produced something more like a mosaic, in
which each element has retained its own characteristics while contributing to a commonality.

総合政策学部 1,998 問2、
■第2段落
2:1 Alice was the admissions officer’s dream.
2:2 She was easily admitted to our graduate program.
2:3 She came with (1) (1. average 2. stellar 3. satisfactory) test scores, outstanding college grades,
excellent letters of recommendation, and, overall, close to a perfect record.
2:4 Alice proved to be more or less what her record promised.
2:5 She had excellent critical and analytical abilities, which earned her outstanding grades during
her first two years at our school.
2:6 When it came to taking tests and writing papers, she (2) (1. had no peer 2. had no help 3. was
popular) among her classmates.
2:7 But after the first two years, Alice no longer looked quite so outstanding.
2:8 In our graduate program, as in most, emphasis shifts after the first couple of years.
2:9 It is not enough just to criticize other people’s ideas or to study concepts that other people have
proposed.
2:10 You must (3) (1. not rely on 2. begin reviewing 3. start coming up with) your own ideas and
figuring out ways of implementing them.
2:11 Alice’s synthetic abilities were far inferior to her analytic ones.
2:12 But there was no way of knowing this from the evidence available in the admissions folder, for
(4) (1. although 2. however 3. whenever) conventional measures can give us a good reading on
analytic abilities, they give virtually no assessment of synthetic abilities.
2:13 Thus, Alice was “IQ test” smart, but not equally (5)(1. discreet 2. disciplined 3. distinguished)
in the synthetic, or practical, areas of intelligence.

■第5段落
5:1 Just how would you characterize the similarities and differences among Alice, Barbara, and
Celia?
5:2 Clearly, all are exceedingly intelligent, though in very different ways.
5:3 People like Alice excel in traditional academic, or analytic, intelligence.
5:4 To the extent that intelligence is measured by (8)(1. conventional 2. genetic 3. creative)
factors or information processing components, by its relationship to the internal world, Alice and
individuals like her would be considered very, very smart.
5:5 Individuals like Barbara, on the other hand, do not appear nearly so intelligent by such ordinary
standards.
5:6 Where they excel is in their synthetic ability, the ability to deal with novelty — to view new
things in old ways or old things in new ways.
5:7 Hence Barbara’s intelligence, and that of others like her, becomes truly apparent (9) (1. unless
2. even though 3. only if) it is viewed in terms of the relationship of intelligence to experience,
particularly novel experience.
5:8 People like Celia have neither Alice’s nor Barbara’s pattern of strength.
5:9 Instead, they excel in terms of the relationship between intelligence and the external world of
the individual.
5:10 Their excellence resides in their practical intelligence — the ability to apply their mental
abilities to (10) (1. novel 2. unusual 3. every day) situations.
5:11 Their street smarts are not measured by typical tests but quickly show up in their performance
in real-world settings.

総合政策学部 1,998 問2、
■第5段落
5:1 Not only is language decontextualized but because of the permanency of writing, which
materializes the flow of speech, words can be rearranged (11) (1. equally 2. less 3. more) freely in
composition and also taken out of the sentence structure as individual items and grouped with
others of the same “class.”
5:2 Such an activity is not impossible in oral discourse, but its use is enormously developed in
early literate cultures where the reading and copying of lists, as in Mesopotamia, is one of the
basic methods of instruction.
5:3 Listing has other implications, because it means placing items in unambiguous categories,
giving each one a position, leading to (12)(1. contextualization 2. consolidation 3. contradiction) on
the one hand and reconsideration on the other.
5:4 The list is a component of the table or matrix, an important instrument of intellectual operations.
5:5 It is also intrinsic to recordkeeping of a multitude of kinds, from trading operations to
administrative personnel to astronomical observations.
5:6 It is the relative permanency of writing that makes it valuable as a means of storing information,
(13)(1. whatever 2. whether 3. whichever) in the form of note taking, of the more deliberate
recording of the Nile floods over time, of the history written for future generations, or of the
accidental survival of personal letters.

■第2段落
2:1 In most societies with writing, until 100 years ago only a minority could read and write; the rest
were illiterate and hence were themselves dependent on the oral or visual transmission of
knowledge.
2:2 They were not, (2) (1. therefore 2. however 3. on the contrary), dependent on knowledge
originating in the oral or visual registers, and, consequently, their traditions differed in kind from
those of a society without writing because they would be indirectly influenced by the written forms;
illiterates would absorb Christian or Buddhist book learning through stories, sermons, paintings,
and sculpture.
2:3 Equally, they might learn to conduct cognitive operations invented by the written culture (such
as the arithmetic tables learned by heart).
2:4 The same is true of technological advances developed through the medium of written
operations; illiterates may (3) (1. benefit from 2. be prevented from 3. resist) living in a literate
culture, although the inability to read and write will place them in a disadvantageous position
relative to others who can.
2:5 Even cultures without writing may be influenced by contact with literate outsiders in a similar
manner.
2:6 The radio could stand as one example, because literacy was clearly (4)(1. a side effect 2. an
outcome 3. a prerequisite) of its invention but not its operation.
2:7 Today, however, there is probably no society in the world that does not have some literates who
are capable of (5) (1. deriving 2. manipulating 3. gaining) access to written knowledge produced
elsewhere.

総合政策学部 1999 問1
■第19段落
19:1 Cystic fibrosis, America’s most common fatal inherited disease, is a good example.
19:2 (18)(1. after 2. When 3. Before) the gene was discovered, doctors assumed they could predict
the fate of any child carrying the mutated CF gene: a lifetime of serious illness, and a 5050 chance
of dying before 30.

総合政策学部 2,000 問1
■第4段落
4:1 One is dialoging, Socrates preferred method of learning.
4:2 In a good essay, the author [2](1.unless 2. invites 3. increases) the reader to argue with him or
her a little bit.
4:3 But debate usually stops in scientific or technical essays when an author puts a formula in.
4:4 Most people, even educated people, [3](1. unless 2. when 3. while) they know something
special about the topic or the formula, are pretty much at the mercy of the authors claims.
4:5 So it would be great if those mathematical symbols in a formula could lead into a computer
simulation of what’s being talked about in the essay — if the reader could experiment as much as
the author had.
4:6 So the computer can provide an extra dimension in which people can argue more deeply with
the author.

■第9段落
9:1 I don’t know what the answer would be, [11](1. except that 2. so that 3. just that) there is some
power in the oral tradition and in the fact of compresence which facilitates learning and makes it
into a certain kind of event that can’t be duplicated by technology.
9:2 So I am [12](1. realistic 2. Optimistic 3. Skeptical) when people talk about distance learning as
a future process that will replace the current methods of teaching and learning

総合政策学部 2,000 問2
■第6段落
6:1 How much truth is there in this grand opposition between Western and nonwestern civilizations
on the subject of liberty and rights?
6:2 I believe there is rather little sense in such a grand opposition.
6:3 [9](1. Despite 2. Neither 3. Nor) the claims in favor of the specialness of “Asian values” by
governmental spokesmen from Asia, nor the particular claims for the uniqueness of “Western
values” by spokesmen from Europe and America can survive much historical examination.

■第8段落
8:1 There are, however, other ideas, [12](1. either 2. such as 3. of) the value of toleration or the
importance of individual freedom, which have been advocated and defended for a long time, often
for the selected few.
8:2 For example, Aristotle’s writings on freedom and human flourishing provide good background
material for the contemporary ideas of human rights.
8:3 But there are other Western philosophers (Plato and St. Augustine, for example) whose
preference for order and discipline over freedom was no less pronounced than Confucius’.
8:4 [13](1. Also 2. Therefore 3. On the contrary), even those in the West who did emphasize the
value of freedom did not, typically, see this as a right of all human beings.
8:5 Aristotle’s exclusion of women and slaves is a good illustration of this no universality.
8:6 The defenses of individual freedom in Western tradition did exist but took a limited form.

■第9段落
9:1 Do we find similar pronouncements in favor of individual freedom in non-Western traditions,
particularly in Asia?
9:2 The answer is emphatically yes.
9:3 Confucius is not the only philosopher in Asia, not even in China.
9:4 There is much variety in Asian intellectual traditions, and many writers did emphasize the
importance of freedom and tolerance, and some even saw this as the entitlement of every human
being.
9:5 The language of freedom is very important, for example, in Buddhism, which originated and
first flourished in South Asia and then spread to Southeast Asia and East Asia, including China,
Japan, Korea, and Thailand.
9:6 Even the [14](1. outline 2. layout 3.portrayal) of Confucius as a strict authoritarian is far from
accurate.
9:7 Confucius did believe in order, [15](1. and 2. so 3. but) he did not recommend blind loyalty to
the ruler.

■第10段落
10:1 The so-called “Western values of freedom and liberty,” sometimes seen as an ancient
Western inheritance, are not particularly [16](1.but uniquely 2. but proudly 3. nor exclusively)
Western in their origins.
10:2 Many of these values have taken their full form only over the [17](1. last 2. earlier 3. recent)
few centuries.
10:3 While we do find some anticipatory components in parts of the ancient Western traditions,
there are other such anticipatory components in parts of nonwestern ancient traditions as well.
10:4 On the particular subject of toleration, Plato and Confucius may be on a somewhat similar
side, [18](1. such as 2. just as 3. thereby) Aristotle and Ashoka may be on another side.
10:5 The need to acknowledge diversity applies not only between nations and cultures, but also
within each nation and culture.
10:6 In the anxiety to [19](1. write 2. take 3. put) adequate note of international diversity and
cultural divergences, and the so-called differences between “Western civilization,”“Asian values,”
“African culture, and so on, there is often a dramatic neglect of heterogeneity within each country
and culture.
10:7 “Nations” and “cultures” are not particularly good units to understand and analyze intellectual
and political differences.
10:8 Lines of division in commitments and skepticism do not run along national boundaries — they
run at many different [20](1. speeds 2. faces 3. Levels).
10:9 The rhetoric of cultures, with each “culture” seen in largely homogenized terms, can trouble us
politically as well as intellectually.

総合政策学部 2,002 問2、
■第2段落
2:1 By the seventh century some of these principles had spread to the Islamic world.
2:2 The leading Islamic statement on the law of nations written in the ninth century to some extent
reflects principles laid [2](1. upon 2. down 3. by) in the Old Testament, with its ban on the killing of
women, children, the old and [3](1. the helpless 2. the help 3. helpful).
2:3 Moreover, a prisoner of war should not be killed, but he may be ransomed* or set free.
2:4 But, prisoners might be killed if it were considered advantageous in conducting a war [4](1.
therefore 2. however 3. despite), this would not be so if the prisoners converted to Islam.

■第5段落
5:1 The first international agreement aimed at limiting the conduct of armed conflict was drawn up
at the end of Crimean War in 1856.
5:2 In terms of its contents, a more important agreement was the Geneva Convention* of 1864 for
the proper treatment of the wounded in armies in the field, signed only a year after the founding
conference of the Red Cross.
5:3 The 1864 Convention was [10](1. legalized 2. reconstructed 3. revised) by the latter Geneva
Conventions of 1906, 1929 and 1949.
5:4 The contents of the Geneva Conventions include the protection of the sick and the wounded in
the field, prisoners of war, as well as the civilian population.
5:5 [11](1. However 2. In sum 3. On the contrary), the Geneva Conventions, collectively known as
the Geneva Law, are related to the humanitarian treatment of people, soldiers and civilians, even in
the midst of armed conflict.

■第6段落
6:1 In contrast to the Geneva Law is the law concerning the means and methods of conducting
actual military operations in armed conflict.
6:2 This is generally known as the Hague Law.
6:3 The Hague Law has evolved mainly through the disarmament conferences, which were held at
the invitation of Russian Emperor in 1899 and 1907.
6:4 In 1899, 26 countries met at The Hague and adopted Conventions concerning the ban of gas
weapons [12](1. besides 2. addition to 3. as well as) certain methods of military operations such as
attacking civilian population and denial of quarter*.

■第8段落
8:1 So how does the ambiguity of international customary law affect a contemporary issue of the
laws of war such as nuclear weapons?
8:2 What is the legal status of nuclear weapons?
8:3 Are they prohibited or not?
8:4 There are treaties regulating the use of particular weapons such as biological and chemical
weapons, but as yet there is no established law concerning the use of nuclear weapons, [14](1.
though 2. and 3. no less than) there are treaties directed against the testing of such weapons and
limiting the number of such weapons.
8:5 Consequently, there are various legal opinions on this issue.

総合政策学部 2002 問1
■第2段落
2:1 The need for socially conscious enterprise was initially recognized in the 1980s, when
organizations like the Social Venture Network [2](1. founded 2. sought 3. found) to create a
network of entrepreneurs who would design and implement innovative ways in which business
could be used to benefit society.
2:2 Until recently, this agenda meant that companies gave away a certain percentage of their pretax
earnings to a worthy cause or Organization and supported projects for social change, which
benefited children, families, disadvantaged groups, and the environment.
2:3 Since the 1990s, [3](1. nonetheless 2. nevertheless 3. However), this original philosophy has
evolved further.
2:4 Businesses have realized that creating a highly profitable venture does not require a sole focus
on increasing profitability: businesses can simultaneously create profit and foster long-term
economic stability and peace in their countries of operation.

■第6段落
6:1 Theoretical support for these ventures comes from a report produced at the 2000 Annual
Meeting of the World Economic Forum.
6:2 A group of global leaders in business, politics, public interest advocacy, the media, and the arts
and sciences started the Business of Cooperation (BOC) Project to address the difficulty of
building peace after war, [12](1. and 2. but 3. for) in its first report the group outlined the basic
concepts of the theory of economic cooperation.

■第9段落
9:1 [16](1.While 2. Because 3. Nor) there is some risk in creating partnerships and branches in
conflict areas, there are certainly benefits in doing so.
9:2 Because these businesses are joint ventures backed by the personal interests of each party,
they are more likely to succeed, and the parent company will also share in this prosperity.
9:3 [17](1. However 2. Additionally 3. Unfortunately), such ventures will increase innovation
through the diversity of the workers and raise employee performance, as people who see a greater
purpose in their work usually work harder.
9:4 Finally, a company that develops joint enterprises will cultivate the company image and gain
international recognition, [18](1. which 2. yet 3. thus) further increasing profitability.

総合政策学部 2,008 問1
■第1段落
1:1 Some people think that science and common sense are alike because science is a systematic
and controlled extension of common sense, which is, in turn, a series of concepts and conceptual
schemes satisfactory for practical uses.
1:2 But science and common sense differ in two significant ways.
1:3 First, their uses of conceptual schemes and theoretical structures are strikingly different.
1:4 [1] (1. Since 2. While. Now that) the man in the street uses “theories” and concepts, he
ordinarily does so in a loose fashion.
1:5 He often accepts fanciful explanations of natural and human phenomena.
1:6 An illness, for instance, may be thought to be a punishment for sin.
1:7 The scientist, on the other hand, systematically builds her theoretical structures, tests them for
[2] (1. internal 2. external 3. social) consistency, and subjects aspects of them [3] (1. for 2. to 3.
through) empirical testing.
1:8 Furthermore, she knows that the concepts she is using are manmade terms that may or may
not exhibit a close relation to reality.

■第4段落
4:1 The use of the hypothesis in scientific investigation is similar to playing a game of chance.
4:2 The rules of the game are [8]( 1. held forth 2.Set up 3. taken over), and bets are made, in
advance.
4:3 One cannot change the rules after an outcome, [9] ( 1. seldom 2. Never 3. Nor) can one
change ones bet after making it.
4:4 That would not be fair.
4:5 One cannot throw the dice first and then bet.
4:6 Similarly, if one gathers data first, then [10] (1. selects 2. throws 3. spares) only a few data and
comes to a conclusion on the basis of those few data, one has violated the rules of the scientific
game.
4:7 The game would not be fair because the investigator could easily [11] (1. capitalize on 2. take
over 3. give in), say, two significant relations out of five tested.
4:8 What happens to the other three?
4:9 They might be forgotten.
4:10 But in a fair game every throw of the dice is counted, in the [12] (1. game 2. hypothesis 3.
sense) that one either wins or does not win on the basis of the outcome of each throw.
4:11 The main point is that the purpose of hypotheses is to direct inquiry.
4:12 As Darwin pointed out long ago, all observations have to be for or against some view, if they
are to be of any U1Se.

総合政策学部 2008 問2
■第4段落
4:1 Subsequently, in September of 2006, there was a meeting at the Food and Agriculture
Organization in Rome to identify ways to achieve the U. N. goal of halving hunger by 2015.
4:2 At the meeting, all of the participants were asked how the pace of reducing hunger could be
accelerated, [36] (1. even though 2. Since 3. While) a 2005 review showed that progress was poor
in most developing countries.
4:3 Almost all the participants felt that the greatest threats to food security in the future come, first,
from climate change (potential adverse changes in temperature, rainfall, and sea level) l, and,
second, from the loss of biodiversity.
4:4 There was a great deal of consensus on this issue among the diverse groups of
representatives, including a farmer from Senegal, leaders of Oxfam and other non-governmental
organizations, agricultural scientists, and food security specialists.
4:5 The suggested ways to go forward [37] (1. ranged 2. Sprang. Diverged) from faithful
implementation of the Kyoto Protocol to acting on the provisions of biodiversity, climate, and the
prevention of the spread of deserts.

■第4段落
4:1 It the past, economists looked [37](1. liberally 2. unwillingly. strictly) at your income in order to
calculate the value of your leisure hours.
4:2 Now, the study of the “household economy” is getting fresh encouragement.
4:3 It is even beginning to take into account intangible factors such as satisfaction and pleasure.
4:4 Many governments have conducted surveys on the use of time within the household, in an
effort to provide reliable data.
4:5 Some use a monthly survey, [38](1. if 2. where 3. which) they ask people to report how much
time they spend doing such things as exercising or driving their kids to various places.
4:6 A large number of academic essays on this topic are also circulating.
4:7 Some of them address issues such as the impact of timesaving technology, including
microwave ovens and washing machines.
4:8 This kind of scholarship is gaining new relevance now that lower household budgets are [39] (1. forcing 2. requesting 3. helping) some people to work longer hours, which emphasizes the
importance of the cost-effective use of free time.

■第3段落
3:1 Some economics professors regard a household as a small company that employs labor, buys
technology, and makes decisions about what services to outsource.
3:2 But the household is a “company” that nowadays needs [34] (1. welfare 2. management 3. tax)
consultants.
3:3 People often make drastic miscalculations about the [35](1. value 2. pace 3. amount) of their
time, and take a do-it-yourself approach to tasks that might be less costly in time and money if they
were hired out.
3:4 A simple oil change for your car, for example, costs the equivalent of $25 at some gasoline
stations, [36] ( 1. or 2. if 3. while) buying the supplies to do it yourself costs at least 20, meaning it
is cost-efficient to let the gasoline station do it for you.
3:5 Yet millions of people say that they change the oil in their cars themselves.

■第9段落
9:1 In the past year, [41] (1. however 2. for example 3. therefore), donors via Geneva Global
placed nearly a million US. dollars in grants related to tsunami relief.
9:2 These contributions, distributed across more than 20 grassroots projects, will deliver trauma
counseling to more than 60,000 affected individuals, restore incomes to more than 90,000 people,
and provide medical care to more than 30,000 people.
9:3 This does not include additional benefits like rebuilding 500 homes and immediate aid such as
access to clean water and food.
9:4 At an even more micro scale, one $40,000 grant provided medical care to more than 4,000
people, trained 200 families to grow vegetables for themselves in temporary housing camps, and
provided therapy to hundreds of surviving children who became homeless.
9:5 [42](1. In the same way 2. In contrast 3. Instead), the total $14 billion provided by governments
and private aid agencies has thus far provided medical care and temporary housing to
approximately 800,000 displaced people and rebuilt approximately 20000 homes.
9:6 There is a sharp contrast in the cost benefit ratio of these two sets of figures.

■第8段落
8:1 The evaluation of grassroots projects must be based on evidence that each initiative has
enjoyed successful performance – that it not only shows “need” but also demonstrates “proven
results.”
8:2 Based on analysis of results from grants given, we have found that there are a number of key
performance indicators that predict results.
8:3 The first is past record.
8:4 [39] (1. Since 2. While 3. Unless) past performance does not guarantee future results in
investing, past performance is a strong predictor of future results in philanthropy.
8:5 Other key indicators are sustainability of the intervention, existence of thorough project plans
with well-defined performance measures, and risk management planning.
8:6 Project leaders themselves are [40] (1. reliable 2. rare 3.sole) indicators of future performance,
which can be predicted fairly well through demonstrated experience, demonstrated commitment to
power sharing and training of others, and extent of networking to other leaders.
8:7 Nearly 80 percent of projects evaluated and funded over the past five years using this
methodology met or exceeded their stated numerical project objectives.

■第4段落
4:1 Approaching philanthropy as a form of investment is an important part of the solution to the
problems of philanthropy.
4:2There is reason for [33] (1. optimism 2. pessimism 3. Nihilism):
4:3 Increasingly, donors are treating their giving like their investments.
4:4 Many philanthropists have begun to see philanthropy as a capital market.
4:5 They demand the same levels of transparency and accountability that they expect from stock
markets.
4:6 Some have termed this “social investment” or “venture philanthropy.”
4:7 Geneva Global, and organization created by donors in search of real accountability, prefers the
term “performance philanthropy.”
4:8 Performance philanthropy is a hopeful alternative to traditional approaches to giving, [34] (1.
unless 2. because 3. although) it is working.

■第12段落
12:1 Some people claim that if evolution is a useful (and, so far, correct) theory, we should still see
it at work all around us in humans.
12:2 We do not.
12:3 But we can see it if we adopt a long enough time frame.
12:4 Mankind is believed to have been on this earth for about 100,000 years.
12:5 In that time there have been changes in people’s appearance, but those changes have
occurred very slowly.
12:6 After all, 1,000 centuries is just a [18] (1. blank 2. blink 3. block) in geological time.
12:7 [19] (1. Besides 2.Therefore 3. However), the modern world has created an environment by
means of public health measures, the reduction in crime rates, and improved levels of diet that
have sharply reduced the environmental variation that is necessary to [20] (1. reconstruct 2. renew
3. reward) some genetic accidents and penalize others.
12:8 But 100,000 years from now, will the environment change so much that people who now have
unusual characteristics will become the dominant group in society?
12:9 Maybe.

■第3段落
3:1 Over the last twenty years, there have been a number of initiatives in the areas of politics,
education and broadcasting to try to use Maori and, [4] (1. by the way 2. in addition 3. as a result),
it is now an official language of New Zealand.
3:2 As these initiatives have progressed, however, some people have begun to express the view
that Maori is simply not capable of being used as an official language.
3:3 This kind of opinion, in fact, is not based on logic.
3:4 I recall a comment in a New Zealand newspaper, which tried to [5] (1. make 2. see 3. show) the
point that Maori was no good as a language because it had to borrow words from English in order
to express new ideas.
3:5 English, [6] (1. on the one hand 2. on the other hand 3. On top of that), was a very flexible and
vital language because it had throughout its history been able to draw resources from many other
languages to express new ideas.

■第8段落
8:1 The vision of the compact city has been dominated by the model of the densely developed core
of many historic European cities.
8:2 These are a great attraction not just to architects, planners and urban designers, [46](1. and 2.
but 3. or) to countless tourists who flock to see them.
8:3 They are seen, often by those from outside, as ideal places to live and experience the vitality
and variety of urban life.
8:4 The danger is that it is a romantic vision, one which assumes a golden age that can be
recaptured through urban form, leading to a sustainable and benign civility.
8:5 Perhaps it is not [47](1. believable 2. interesting 3. Surprising) that the strongest advocate for
the compact city has been the European Community.

■第5段落
5:1 Cities may have problems, but they are not necessarily a problem in themselves.
5:2 According to some urban planners in England, it is the ‘failure of effective governance within
cities that explains the poor environmental performance of so many cities rather than a [40] (1.active 2. exceptional 3. inherent) characteristic of cities in general.’
5:3 The manipulation of urban form, and the provision of better forms of governance, may go some
way to overcome city problems.
5:4 [41](1. Because of 2. Despite. Instead of) many problems, the fastest growing cities in
developing countries have benefits for those living there.
5:5 They can provide ‘enhanced opportunity for millions of people’ and ‘refuges from a stifling,
restrictive rural life’ that may no longer be economically sustainable.
5:6 The sheer vitality and numbers of people and ideas tend to change attitudes and lifestyles, and
lead to higher [42](1. aspirations 2. levels 3. means) to improve standards of living.
5:7 How, then, does this tendency relate to sustainable development and sustainable urban form?

総合政策学部 2010 問1
■ 第9段落
9:1 If you are taking a trip and have the choice of driving or flying, you might wish to consider the
per-hour death rate of driving versus flying.
9:2 It is true that many more people die in the United States each year in motor vehicle accidents
(roughly forty thousand) than in airplane crashes (fewer than one thousand).
9:3 But it’s also true that most people spend a lot more time in cars than in airplanes.
9:3 The per-hour death rate of driving versus flying, [16] (1. likewise 2. however 3. all the more), is
about equal.
9:4 The two contraptions are equally likely―or, in truth, unlikelyto lead to death.

環境情報学部 2009 問1
■第4段落
4:1 “Nowhere is water more dominant in people’s lives,” says British geographer John Soussan.
4:2 And nowhere better illustrates the complexity of producing [4] (1. visible 2. subjective
3.workable) solutions to water resource problems.
4:3 The threats that face Bangladesh’s supplies are intimately interconnected:
4:4 thwart one, [5] (1. and 2.or 3. for) you can create problems downstream―sometimes literally.

総合政策学部 2011 問1、
■ 第10段落
10:1 The BIJ has found that 19 million euros has been recovered so far, but this has been
achieved by withholding those funds from the EU subsidies [18] (1. due 2. according 3. Owing) to
Spain.
10:2 The involvement of the Spanish national government raises the issue of responsibility.
10:3 The Spanish national “Coastal Law” of 1988, drawn up [19] (1. in association with 2. in
response to 3. without regard to) the uncontrolled development of Spain’s Mediterranean coast,
nationalized the entire Spanish coastline and vested control in local governmental bodies.
10:4 In 1991, the Lanzarote local government drew up a progressive land use plan, which gained
world recognition as a model for sustainable development and safeguarding the ecosystem.
10:5 [20] (1. Hence 2. Therefore . In fact), it was on the basis of this plan that UNESCO initially
awarded Lanzarote its Biosphere Status.

総合政策学部 2011 問2、
■ 第11段落
11:1 Although we cannot answer that question definitively, there is reason to believe that some
differences in occupational choice are due to discrimination.
11:2 For example, the highest-paying blue-collar jobs are typically union jobs, and industrial and
crafts unions have had a long history of opposition to women as members.
11:3 Or consider medicine.
11:4 Women are becoming much more numerous in specialties such as dermatology and
radiology, where schedules tend to be more flexible, hours of work can be limited, and part-time
practice is feasible.
11:5 But many physicians would argue that the noticeable underrepresentation of women in the
high-paying surgical specialties is partly the result of discrimination against women, [49] (1. thus 2.
rather than 3. when) reflecting the occupational choices preferred by women.
11:6 If this argument is correct, then even if women in a given specialty are paid the same as men
in that specialty, the exclusion of women from high-paying slots will lower their average wages and
make them worse off.

総合政策学部 2012 問1、
■ 第3段落
3:1 Let me say a word about what I mean by power diffusion.
3:2 That is best understood in terms of the way technologies, and particularly information
technologies, are [4](1. increasing 2. sustaining 3. affecting) the costs of participating in
international affairs.
3:3 The price of computing power declined a thousand-fold from 1970 to 2000.
3:4 That is an extraordinary number, so big that it is hard to know what it means.
3:5 The best way to think of this would be that if the price of an automobile had declined as rapidly
as the price of computing power, you should be able to buy an automobile today, for, lets say,
10,000 yen.
3:6 It is [5](1. just 2. hardly 3. nonetheless) an extraordinary change.
3:7 When the price of something declines that much, it removes the barriers to entry.
3:8 Now others can do what previously was [6](1. prepared 2. reserved 3. preserved) for
governments or big corporations.
3:9 If you wanted to communicate instantaneously from Tokyo to New York to London to
Johannesburg in 1970, you could do that.
3:10Technologically you could do it, but it was very, very expensive.
3:11 [7](1. Still 2. Now 3. However), anybody can do it and it is virtually free.
3:12 If you have Skype, it is free.

総合政策学部 2012 問2、
■ 第2段落
2:1 [32](1. However 2. Despite 3. Whatever) unrelated these phenomena may seem, a single
scholarly field has helped illuminate all of them.
2:2 The study of networks can illustrate how viruses, opinions, and news spread from person to
person and can make it possible to track the spread of obesity, suicide, and back pain.
2:3 Network science points toward tools for predicting stock-price trends, designing transportation
systems, and detecting cancer.

■ 第5段落
5:1 If you think of the problem of terrorism, terrorists have very little military power, but they have a
lot of “soft power”―the ability to attract and persuade people.
5:2 [12](1. So 2. Nonetheless 3. However), Bin Laden did not point a gun at the head of the people
who flew into the World Trade Center.
5:3 He did not pay them.
5:4 He attracted them by his narrative of “Islam under threat” and the need to purify Islam.
5:5 That is interesting because it means that as we then try to [13](1. come up 2. get away 3. cope)
with this, we may make the mistake of thinking that we can solve this by military or economic
power alone.
5:6 If power means the ability to get the outcomes you want, you could do this through coercion,
threats, so-called “sticks.”
5:7 You could do it with payments you might call [14](1. “lemons.” 2. “whips.” 3. “carrots”.)
5:8 Or you could do it with attraction and persuasion.
5:9 And in an information age, the role of soft power is increasing in its importance.
5:10 Now that means that what we need is a new way of thinking about power.
5:11 The famous British historian A.J.P. Taylor, who wrote a book about the struggle for mastery of
Europe in the 19th century, defined a great power as a country that was able to prevail in war.
5:12 But we have to [15](1. put up with 2. go beyond 3. cling to) that limited way of thinking about
what power means in the 21st century, and see it as much more three-dimensional, as including not
only military power but also economic power and also soft power.

総合政策学部 2013 問1、
■ 第6段落
6:1 By the end, you could have [6](1. changed 2. talked. 3. invited) me into anything,” Twinge told
her new colleagues.
6:2 The symptoms sounded familiar to them too, and gave them an idea.
6:3 They purchased a range of simple products and presented them to their experimental
subjects.
6:4 The subjects were told that, in return for doing the experiment, they would [7] (1. have 2.
expect. 3. get) to keep one item at the end of the experiment, but first they had to make a series of
choices.
6:5 Would they prefer a pen or a candle?
6:6 A vanilla scented candle or an almond scented one?
6:7 A candle or a T-shirt?
6:8 A black T-shirt or a red T-shirt?
6:9 [8](1. Meanwhile 2. Furthermore 3. All the same), a control group of “nondeciders” spent an
equally long period contemplating all these same products without having to make any choices.
6:10 Afterward, all the participants were given a common test of self-control: holding your hand in
ice water for as long as you can.
6:11 The impulse is to pull your hand out, so self-discipline is needed to keep the hand
underwater.
6:12 The deciders gave up much faster; they lasted 28 seconds, less than half the 67-second
average of the nondeciders.
6:13 Making all those choices had apparently [9] (1. bolstered 2. restored 3. sapped) their
willpower.
6:14 They had decision fatigue.

■ 第9段落
9:1 Researchers argue that this sort of decision fatigue is a major factor trapping people in poverty.
9:2 [13](1. Although 2. Until 3. Because) their financial situation forces them to make so many
trade-offs, they have less willpower to devote to school, work and other activities that might get
them into the middle class.
9:3 Study after study has shown that low self-control correlates with low income as well as with a
host of other problems. Lapses in self-control have led to the notion of the “undeserving
poor”―epitomized by the image of the welfare mom using food stamps to buy junk food―but
researchers urge sympathy for someone who makes decisions all day on a [14](1. tight 2. narrow
3. tense) budget.
9:4 In one study, it was found that when the poor and the rich go shopping, the poor are much
more likely to eat during the shopping trip.
9:5 This might seem like confirmation of their weak character, but if a trip to the supermarket
induces more decision fatigue in the poor than in the rich―because each purchase requires more
mental trade-offs by the time they reach the cash register, they’ll have less willpower left to resist
the chocolate bars and candies displayed there.
9:6 Not for [15] (1. anything2. something. nothing) are these items called “impulse purchases.”

■ 第10段落
10:1 This isn’t the only reason that sweet snacks are featured prominently at the cash register.
10:2 With their willpower reduced, people are especially vulnerable to anything offering a quick hit
of sugar.
10:3 While supermarkets figured this out a long time ago, only recently did researchers discover
[16] (1. how 2. why. when).

総合政策学部 2013 問2、
■ 第9段落
9:1 An alternative soft constructivist approach, “social institutional constructivism,” allows that
such biases are a structural part of scientific practice, but that they nevertheless do not solely
determine the conditions of the objective material world.
9:2 [46](1. Rather 2 Moreover 3. Hence) these conceptual biases in science help to explain why
science some times gets facts wrong.
9:3 For social institutional constructivists, wrong ideas about nature are a product of the inevitable
“socialness” of scientific communities.
9:4 Overtime, however, and through progressive experimentation and refutation the “social” ideas
are purged from our understanding of nature, moving towards a true understanding of the objects
of the natural world.
9:5 This is especially true, a social institutional constructivist might argue, as contemporary ecology
and life sciences become more and more reflexive about the metaphors that [47](1. understand 2.
underpin 3. underestimate) their analysis of objective systems.

総合政策学部 2014 問1、
■ 第11段落
11:1 One of the most important consequences of the socially [19](1. demanded 2. employed 3.
embedded) nature of common sense is that disagreements over matters of common sense can be
extremely difficult to resolve.
11:2 The American anthropologist Clifford Geertz noted in his study of witchcraft in Java that “when
the whole family of a Javanese boy tells me that the reason he has fallen out of a tree and broken
his leg is that the spirit of his deceased grandfather pushed him out because some ritual duty has
been inadvertently overlooked, it is precisely what they think has occurred, it is all they think has
occurred, and they are puzzled only at my puzzlement at their lack of puzzlement.”
11:3 Disagreements over matters of common sense, [20](1. however 2, in other words 3, by the
way), are hard to resolve because its unclear to either side on what grounds one can even conduct
a reasonable argument.

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