慶應義塾大学SFC 英語 語法三択テクニック 『前置詞の意味が重要な問題』

環境情報学部 1,995 問1、
■第2段落
2:1 The information involved in animal communication can come from many sources; any facet of
the environment (1)( 1. created 2. perceived 3. imagined) is considered information.
2:2 In linguistic communication the primary function of words is to convey information.
2:3 Similarly, animals (including man) have modes of behaviour that, in the course of evolution,
were selected for their value in providing vehicles for conveying information.
2:4 During the evolutionary process some of these vehicles also (2)(1. remained 2. retained 3.
underwent) more direct functions, but many became specialized for a communicative function
alone.
2:5 These communicative acts, known as displays, include various posturings and movements;
sounds; particular ways of making contact among individuals; the release of specialized chemicals
called pheromones; and even electrical discharges.
2:6 Displays have been studied as important means for transmitting information in animal
communication.
2:7 There are, of course, other information sources in animals, some of which have also
undergone evolutionary (3)(1.specification 2. specialization 3. generalization) toward a
communication function.
2:8 Among them are what may be called badges — i.e., attributes that are merely structural and
nonbehavioral in nature: the red breast of the robin, the red underside of the breeding male
stickleback fish, and the mane of the male lion.
2:9 Many other sources of information can be found in the repeated forms of interaction that
develop during prolonged relationships between two individuals and in individual expectations
about the nature of the roles in which they encounter others, both familiar associates and
strangers.
2:10 The activities of individuals who interact socially provide a constant and usually rich
information source, but, in the study of nonhuman communication, the bulk of systematic research
thus far has been (4)(1. directed 2. induced 3. stipulated) toward displays and badges; it is,
therefore, these highly specialized categories that are of the greatest concern here.

環境情報学部 1,995 問2
■第13段落
13:1 The “New” Liberalism — To understand the growth of this second tendency, a virtually
separate history of liberalism must be considered.
13:2 This view of liberalism derives from a conception of the modern state not as an association of
independent individuals but as a productive enterprise to be managed by its ruler.
13:3 It is a concept held by men (14) (1. nevertheless 2. otherwise 3.once) as different as John
Calvin and Francis Bacon, and it has its theological roots in the Christian injunction that men
should enjoy the fruits of the earth.
13:4 In the 18th century this concept was developed and popularized as a set of doctrines called
by its promoters “enlightenment.”
13:4 18世紀に、この概念はその推進者によって「啓蒙運動」と呼ばれる一連の理論として発達し

環境情報学部 1997 問1
■第3段落
3:1 And yet we (2) (1. considered 2. are considering 3. had considered) Kubrick an innovator of
genius.
3:2 But that is the point; the media have a history but they have no memory (two characteristics
that ought to be incompatible).
3:3 The mass media are genealogical because, in them, every new invention sets (3) (1. off 2. out
3. on) a chain reaction of inventions and produces a sort of common language.
3:4 They have no memory because, when the chain of imitations has been produced, no one can
remember who started it, and the head of the clan is confused with the latest great grandson.
3:5 (4)(1. Therefore 2. In contrast 3. Furthermore), the media learn ; and thus the spaceships of
Star Wars, descended from Kubrick’s, are more complex and plausible than their ancestor, and
now the ancestor seems to be their (5) (1 .imitator 2. origin 3. model).

■第9段落
9:1 Once again, what is a mass medium?
9:2 Is it the newspaper advertisement?
9:3 The TV broadcast?
9:4 The polo shirt?
9:5 Here we have not one but two, three, perhaps more mass media, active (14) (1. with · 2. from
3. through) different channels.
9:6 The media have multiplied, but some of them act as media of media, or in other words media
squared.
9:7 And at this point who is sending the message?
9:8 The manufacturer of the polo shirt?
9:9 Its wearer?
9:10 The person who talks about it on the TV screen?
9:11 Who is the producer of ideology?
9:12 And what is the polo shirt manufacturer trying to say?
9:13 What does the wearer want to say?
9:14 (15)(1. As 2.To 3.In) a certain sense the meaning of the message changes according to the
channel under consideration, and perhaps also its ideological weight.

■第11段落
11:1 Another example.
11:2 There is nothing more private than a telephone call.
11:3 But what happens when someone hands over to an investigator the tape of a private phone
call which is then leaked by someone in the government to the newspapers so that the
newspapers will (18)( 1. print 2. talk 3. publish) about it, and thus compromise the investigations?
11:4 Who produced the message (and its ideology)?
11:5 The person who spoke over the phone?
11:6 The one who taped it?
11:7 The police investigator?
11:8 The newspaper?
11:9 Or perhaps the reader who passed it on to a friend with no idea how all this happened?

環境情報学部 1,997 問2
■第9段落
9:1 The ideal college would be a kind of educational retreat in which you could try to find yourself;
find out what you like and want, what you are and are not good at.
9:2 People would take various subjects, attend various seminars, not quite sure of where they were
going, but moving toward the discovery of vocation, and once they found it, they could then make
good use of technological education.
9:3 The chief goals of the ideal college, in other words, would be the discovery of identity, and (13)
(1. with 2. for 3. against) it, the discovery of vocation.

■第13段落
13:1 Schools should be helping people to look within themselves, and from this self-knowledge
derive a set of values.
13:2 Yet values are not taught in our schools today.
13:3 This may be a (19)( 1. leftover 2. turnover 3. holdover) from the religious wars in which the
church and the state were made separate and the rulers decided that the discussion of values
would be the church’s concern, while the secular schools would concern themselves with other
problems.
13:4 Perhaps it is just as (20) (1. good 2. well 3. fine) that our schools, with their grievous lack of a
real philosophy and of suitably trained teachers, do not teach values.

環境情報学部 1998 問1
■第4段落
4:1 But let’s not sell paper documents short.
4:2 The paper-based book, magazine, or newspaper still has a lot of advantages (5)(1. upon 2.
over 3. with) its digital counterpart.
4:3 A newspaper offers a wide field of vision, good resolution, portability, and ease of use.
4:4 A book is small, lightweight, high-resolution, and inexpensive compared to the cost of a
computer or some other information appliance you need to read a digital document.
4:5 For at least a decade, it won’t be as convenient to read a long, sequential document on a
computer screen as on paper.
4:6 {I’ll admit that I’ve done a lot of the editing of this book with a pen on paper.
4:7 I like reading text on paper.}
4:8 The first digital documents that achieve widespread use will offer new (6) (1. functionality 2.
productivity 3. reliability) rather than simply duplicate the older medium.
4:9 After all, a television set is larger, more expensive, and (7) (1. more cumbersome 2. more
widespread 3. more convenient) and offers lower resolution than a book or a magazine, but that
hasn’t limited TV’s popularity.
4:10 Television brought video entertainment into our homes, and it was so (8) (1. aggravating 2.
enduring 3. compelling) that television sets found their place alongside our books and magazines.

■第11段落
11:1 Will the next decade bring us the Griffiths and Eisensteins of multimedia?
11:2 There’s every reason to think they’re already tinkering (18) (1. at 2. with 3. in) the existing
technology to see what it can do and what they can do with it.

■第7段落
7:1 In the ideal college, there would be no credits, no degrees, and no required courses.
7:2 A person would learn what he wanted to learn.
7:3 A friend and I attempted to put this ideal into action by starting a series of seminars called
“Freshman Seminars — Introduction to the Intellectual Life.”
7:4 We announced that the course would have no required reading or writing and give no credits,
and that whatever was discussed would be· of the student’s own choosing.
7:5 We also stated who we were a professor of psychology and a practicing psychiatrist, expecting
that the description of the seminar and of our own interests would indicate to the student who
should come and who should not.
7:6 The students who came to this seminar came (11)(1. at 2. of 3. for) their own volition and were
at least partially responsible for its successes and failures.
7:7 The exact opposite holds true for the classical schoolroom — it is compulsory; people have
been forced into it one way or another.

環境情報学部 1998 問2
■第16段落
16:1 The Vietnamese Buddhist poet-priest, Thich Nhat Hanh, devised an interesting telephone
meditation.
16:2 The sound of the telephone ringing, and our semiautomatic instinct to jump up and answer it,
seem the very opposite of meditation.
16:3 Ring and reaction bring (19) (1. in 2. out 3. along) the essence of the choppy, nervous
character of the way time is lived in our world.
16:4 He says use the first ring as a reminder, in the midst of whatever you were doing, of
mindfulness, a reminder of breath, and of your own center.
16:5 Use the second and third rings to breathe and smile.
16:6 If the caller wants to talk, he or she will wait for the fourth ring, and you will be ready.
16:7 What Thich Nhat Hanh is saying here is that mindfulness, practice, and poetry in life are not to
be reserved for a time and place where everything is perfect ; we can use the very instruments of
society’s nervous pressures on us to (20)( 1. relieve 2. retrieve 3. repress) the pressure.
16:8 Even under the sound of helicopters-and this is a man who buried many children in Vietnam
to the roar of helicopters and bombs he can say, “Listen, listen; this sound brings me back to my
true self.”

環境情報学部 2002 問2
■第1段落
1:1 When and where did our species arise?
1:2 Over the past two decades molecular evolutionists have pursued this question.
1:3 DNA evidence from the mitochondrion, an independent element inside every cell that acts as
the “powerhouse” of the cell, has figured prominently in these studies, providing the raw data for
producing evolutionary trees and molecular clocks to illustrate a theory of the development of
diverse human populations.
1:4 The mitochondrial family tree of humans has suggested that our roots [1](1. started 2. lie
3.occurred) in Africa; but, so far, this theory have had only weak statistical support.
1:5 Another theory is that modern humans arose simultaneously in different regions of the world.

■第3段落
3:1 Dr. Gyllensten and his colleagues have described the [4] (1. local 2. global 3. various) mtDNA
diversity in humans based on analyses of the complete mitochondrial genomes of 53 people of
diverse geographical, racial and linguistic backgrounds.
3:2 Each sequence in these genomes is much longer than those previously studied.
3:3 The result is a robust family tree* rooted in Africa, which indicates the exodus* from Africa
within the past 100,000 years (recent in evolutionary terms).
3:4 With this result, the scientific opinion further shifted [5](1. away from 2. along with 3. towards)
the claim that modern humans, Homo sapiens, originated in Africa.

総合政策学部 1995 問1
■第3段落
3:1 The most extreme female socioeconomic disadvantage is found generally in agrarian and
pastoral societies.
3:2 Virtually all the great world religions, namely, those that spread beyond the tribal level,
developed in agrarian or mixed agrarian and pastoral societies.
3:3 Those that became monotheistic (e.g., Judaism, Christianity, Islam) dropped the female
element entirely (3) (1. from 2. over 3. in) their concept of the deity and original creation.
3:4 They came to view the sexes in an invidious fashion.
3:5 Women were barred from formal religious roles (4) (1. such as 2. rather than 3. for)the clergy,
were defined as polluted or as temptresses, and were made subject to the secular as well as
sacred authority of male kin.
3:6 Even when monotheism did not develop (e.g., Hinduism, Confucianism), the same types of
controls over women came to be justified by religion (5) (1. by means of 2. in spite of 3. on the
basis of) women’s supposed innate inferiority.

総合政策学部 1996 問2、
■第3段落
3:1 Within hermeneutics there has been an ongoing debate between those who place the meaning
(5)(1. within 2. outside 3. of) the text and those who see meaning as grounded in a process of
understanding in which the text, its production, and its interpretation all play a vital part.

総合政策学部 1,997 問2
■第2段落
2:1 Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart is known the world over (1) (1. for 2. as 3. being) a musical genius,
and was recognized as such even in his own day.
2:2 The English journal, Philosophical Transactions, carried an article written by Daines Barrington
in 1770, after he had personally tested young Wolfgang’s musical skills (2)(1. for 2. with 3. in)
reading, memory, and musical improvisation.

総合政策学部 1,998 問2、
■第1段落
1:1 In the social sciences the terms “literate” and “literacy” occur in a variety of contexts.
1:2 Most generally a contrast is drawn between those preliterate or no literate (and therefore in one
sense prehistoric) societies that do not have a full-fledged system of writing for transcribing
language and those that do.
1:3 More frequently the terms refer not to societies but to individuals, the percentage of people who
can read and write in a particular society, which is therefore divided into the literate and the
illiterate.
1:4 Even among those who can read, competence obviously varies, so that literacy becomes a
measurable quality, (1) (1. for 2. with 3. because) some individuals being more literate than others.

総合政策学部 1,999 問2
■第2段落
2:1 Recent experimental work with butterflies has (1)(1. borne out 2. taken out 3. washed out)
Darwin’s suspicions of more than a century ago that species tend to evolve attributes and
behaviors that enhance courtship — and thus reproductive success.
2:2 Some traits might render an individual more attractive to the opposite sex.
2:3 Color is now known to spark sexual interest for some species in the butterfly world, as do other
sensory signals that were (2) (1. beyond 2. against 3. within) Darwin’s human perception.
2:4 But the creatures are more discerning than this observation might suggest.
2:5 Ostentatious coloration or scent may do more than attract attention.
2:6 Appearance and aroma may be shorthand notations of their bearer’s health and heartiness.

■第8段落
8:1 This point, however, is called into question by the fact of socioeconomic inequality.
8:2 Technology mediated education may, at least in the short term, prevent people at the lower end
of the income scale from participating in online education.
8:3 Indeed, students whose families can afford Internet access and the required hardware and
software currently [11] (1. regulate 2. reduce 3. constitute) the majority of those participating in
virtual schooling.
8:4 However, as computers and Internet access become less expensive, they will come within
reach even of disadvantaged groups.
8:5 At that point, debate will likely focus on the overall quality of the online educational experience
rather than on [12] (1. access 2. excess 3. success) itself.
8:6 Therefore, it will probably become necessary to demonstrate to potential users that high-quality
education is being provided.
8:7 One way this can be accomplished is by establishing standards for teacher certification and
course content with which virtual schools must [13](1.comply 2. contend 3. contract).

■第4段落
4:1 Now let’s look at the ways in which languages are supposed to be inadequate.
4:2 In some instances, it is features of the structure of a language which are picked on as the
reason why another language is to be [7] (1. preferred 2. provoked 3. supported) for a particular
function.
4:3 In Switzerland, some people speak Romansh, a language descended from Latin, although
German has been making inroads for centuries.
4:4 [8] (1. As for 2. As with 3. As regards) Maori, there has been a [9] (1. play 2. push 3. pick) in
recent decades to increase the areas of life and activity in which Romansh is used.
4:5 Now, German is a language which can very easily combine words into ‘compounds’.
4:6 Romansh is a language which cannot do this so readily and [10] (1. instead 2. furthermore.
additionally) uses phrases as a way of combining ideas.
4:7 Some speakers of Romansh believe that Romansh is not good enough to be used in really
technical areas of life because ‘German is able to construct clearly defined single words for
technical ideas, Romansh is not’.
4:8 This notion ignores the fact that other languages such as French and Italian are in exactly the
same boat as Romansh, yet obviously have no problem in being precise in technical areas.

■第4段落
4:1 It is questionable whether these statistics themselves necessarily represent a problem.
4:2 It is true that the [36](1 . better 2. more . very) size of the cities and the high proportion of the
world’s population living within them will inevitably intensify problems, which will include the
intensive use of resources such as land, water and energy, the overstretching of infrastructure,
poor sanitation and health, and social and economic inequalities.
4:3 The more serious problem, however, is concerned with [37](1. affluent 2. broad 3. simple)
lifestyles and wasteful use of land, both in developed and developing countries, which result [38](1.
as 2. in 3. to) a disproportionate use of resources and urban forms that are often unsustainable.
4:4 For example, commercial enterprises outside cities such as the ubiquitous shopping mall are
likely to cause most waste, pollution and harmful emissions.
4:5 Also the lifestyles of those living in low-density suburban areas on the periphery will be
responsible [39](1. by 2. for 3. to) the consumption of more resources than those with similar
incomes living in cities.

■第6段落
6:1 There is a strong [43](1. barrier 2. force 3. link) between urban form and sustainable
development, but it is not simple and straightforward.
6:2 It has been suggested that a sustainable city must be of a form and scale appropriate to
walking, cycling and efficient public transport, and with a compactness that encourages social
interaction.
6:3 Some other proponents have suggested forms with large concentrated centers, those with
decentralized but compact settlements linked by public transport systems, or those with a set of
self-sufficient communities based on development strategies [44](1. for 2. On 3. To)dispersion.

■第2段落
2:1 Over the past five years the world has seen a 2.5% growth in urban population, but that [31](1.
scatters 2. stands 3. varies) between the more developed regions (0.7%) and the less developed
regions (3.3%).
2:2 In 1999, 47%, or 28 billion, of the world’s population lived in cities, and this is set to increase
[32](1. by 2. to 3. with) around 70 million people each year.
2:3 The expectation is that by 2030 nearly 5 billion (61%) of the world’s 8.1 billion people will live in
cities.
2:4 Of the urban population, for every one person now living in cities in developed countries, there
are two in the cities of the developing world.
2:5 Within 30 years this proportion is predicted to rise to 1:4, indicating that 90% of the growth in
urbanization will be in developing countries.

■第9段落
9:1 For in using clubs and flints, their hands had developed a [12](1. clumsiness 2. dexterity 3.
sloppiness) found nowhere else in the animal kingdom, permitting them to make still better tools,
which in turn had developed their limbs and brains yet further.
9:2 It was an accelerating, cumulative process; and [13] (1. at 2. in 3. of) its end was Man.
10:1 The first true humans had tools and weapons only a little better than those of their ancestor’s
a million years earlier, but they could use them with far greater skill.
10:2 And somewhere in these shadowy centuries they invented the most essential tool [14](1. at 2.
in 3. of) all, though it could be neither seen nor touched.
10:3 They learned to speak, and so won their first great victory over Time.
10:4 Now the knowledge of one generation could be handed on to the next, so that each age could
[15](1.escape 2. profit 3. suffer) from those that had gone before.
10:5 Unlike the animals, who knew only the present, humans acquired a past;
10:6 and they were beginning to [16](1. come 2.grope 3. vanish) toward a future.

総合政策学部 2,001 問1
■第6段落
6:1 This argument, though, claims too much, for we feel a similar sense of loss when we face not
the destruction of a culture but merely it’s reworking from the inside — and, thereby, the loss of
specific elements [10](1. within 2. upon 3. beside) the culture.
6:2 Over time, all of our cultures are remade and many traditional norms and practices are
abandoned.
6:3 We might easily sympathize that there was a loss to the world in what was thereby abandoned.
6:4 We do have reason to regret that the current ways by which the world is understood — our own
ways included — will eventually disappear.
6:5 But our justifiable sadness does not give us good reason to declare that what is now
endangered ought to be preserved forever; or to forbid ourselves from altering inherited cultural
norms — abandoning some, changing others — and [11](1.adopting 2. excluding 3. enclosing) new
ways and customs as our own.

■第11段落
11:1 Cultural survival, then, seems surprisingly hard to fashion into an attractive ideal.
11:2 But in many of the cases of cultural loss that motivate activists and popular sentiment,
something else is going on [16](1.except 2. besides 3. additionally) the simple disappearance of
particular cultures and folkways.
11:3 All too many aboriginal groups, for example, face persistent marginalization*.
11:4 This suggests that it is not the disappearance of a culture so much as the reason for its loss
that should be the focus of our moral attention.
11:5 We should condemn and seek to remedy the discrimination and poverty faced by peoples
around the world.
11:6 But it is [17](1. invaluable 2. justifiable 3. mistaken) to think that the best way to achieve this is
to insist that cultural survival is a value in itself.

総合政策学部 2,002 問2、
第2段落
2:1 By the seventh century some of these principles had spread to the Islamic world.
2:2 The leading Islamic statement on the law of nations written in the ninth century to some extent
reflects principles laid [2](1. upon 2. down 3. by) in the Old Testament, with its ban on the killing of
women, children, the old and [3](1. the helpless 2. the help 3. helpful).
2:3 Moreover, a prisoner of war should not be killed, but he may be ransomed* or set free.
2:4 But, prisoners might be killed if it were considered advantageous in conducting a war [4](1.
therefore 2. however 3. despite), this would not be so if the prisoners converted to Islam.

■第3段落
3:1 By the Middle Ages the power of the Church was such that it was able to forbid Christian
knights [5](1. to 2. from 3. against) using certain weapons as hateful to God.
3:2 Thus, in 1139, the Second Lateran Council condemned the use of the crossbow and arc*, a
view that matched the concept of chivalry* which regarded such weapons [6](1. as 2. such 3. very)
disgraceful, since they could be used from a distance enabling a man to strike [7](1. with 2. before
3. without) the risk of himself being struck.
3:3 In fact, the feudal knights were aware of what they knew as the “law of chivalry,” a customary
code of chivalrous conduct that controlled their affairs and which was enforced by specially
appointed arbitrators* or, in the case of England and France, by Courts of Chivalry.
3:4 However, these limitations only covered those who shared the code of chivalry, such as knights
of noble birth, and did not cover common soldiers.

■第7段落
7:1 At the time of the Hague Conferences both in 1899 and 1907, it was not understood that aerial
warfare might be [13](1. as much as 2. no more than 3. of) major significance.
7:2 However, the role played by aircraft during World War I made it clear that some rules were
necessary to regulate aerial conflict.
7:3 As a result, a commission of legal experts met at The Hague in 1922 to agree on the Rules of
Air Warfare.
7:4 These rules were never put into any international treaty and are, as such, not legally binding.
7:5 To be a legally binding international law, the agreement between countries has to be in a form
of a treaty signed and approved by representatives of these countries.
7:6 Alternatively, there is international customary law, which is not a written treaty but an unwritten
law made of generally accepted state practices around the world.
7:7 Any other rule is just a political declaration or a moral recommendation although it may
sometimes be influential and widely supported by peoples around the world.

■第10段落
10:1 Another opinion was offered by the International Court of Justice (ICJ).
10:2 In 1996, [17](1. anonymously 2. unanimously 3.necessarily) held that “A threat or use of force
by means of nuclear weapons that is contrary to Article 2, paragraph 4 of the United Nations
Charter* and that fails to meet all the requirements of Article 51 [relating to self-defense], is
unlawful.”
10:3 Nevertheless, it went [18](1. toward 2. again 3. on) to hold that in the current state of
international law, the Court cannot conclude definitively whether the threat or use of nuclear
weapons would be lawful or unlawful in an extreme circumstance of self-defense, in which the very
survival of a State would be at stake.

総合政策学部 2006 問2、
■第2段落
2:1 Looked at [33] (1. with 2. from 3. as) an economic point of view, the agricultural sector
becomes extremely important.
2:2 Developing nations throughout Asia depend on agricultural production both for domestic
consumption and for their export economies.
2:3 Further, close to 45% of Southeast Asia’s economy in terms of GDP (Gross Domestic Product)
depends on agriculture.
2:4 These developing countries’ livelihood itself comes from their agricultural products.
2:5 Further, rural people in small communities contribute in [34] (1. erratic 2. probable.
direct) ways to the whole society as well as the environmental conservation of Southeast Asia.
2:6 But they also bear new costs related to the stresses of economic development.

総合政策学部 2006 問1
■第5段落
5:1 Latin Americans, for example, are among the happiest people in the world, according to study
[8] (1. after 2. from 3. by) study.
5:2 An international survey of college students in the mid1990s compared so-called national
differences in positivity and ranked Puerto Rico, Colombia and Spain as the three most cheerful.
5:3 To those who [9] (1. evaluate 2. count 3. equate) happiness with digital cable and icecubedispensing
refrigerator doors, these results may be surprising.
5:4 But not to Ed Diner.
5:5 For him, the astonishingly high spirits of the relatively poor Puerto Ricans and Colombians [10] (1. depart 2. Stem 3. Escape) from a “positivity tendency” that “may be rooted in cultural norms
regarding the value of believing in aspects of life in general to be good.”
5:6 We take this to mean that Latin Americans are happier because they look on the sunny side of
life.

■第5段落
5:1 Latin Americans, for example, are among the happiest people in the world, according to study
[8] (1. after 2. from 3. by) study.
5:2 An international survey of college students in the mid1990s compared so-called national
differences in positivity and ranked Puerto Rico, Colombia and Spain as the three most cheerful.
5:3 To those who [9] (1. evaluate 2. count 3. equate) happiness with digital cable and icecubedispensing
refrigerator doors, these results may be surprising.
5:4 But not to Ed Diner.
5:5 For him, the astonishingly high spirits of the relatively poor Puerto Ricans and Colombians [10] (1. depart 2. Stem 3. Escape) from a “positivity tendency” that “may be rooted in cultural norms
regarding the value of believing in aspects of life in general to be good.”
5:6 We take this to mean that Latin Americans are happier because they look on the sunny side of
life.

総合政策学部 2,008 問1
■第5段落
5:1 Hypotheses are derived from theory.
5:2 A good theory produces good hypotheses.
5:3 And yet, it is also hypotheses that make theories better and sounder.
5:4 There are two aspects to handling hypotheses: hypothesis making and hypothesis testing.
5:5 [13] (1. Distinguishing 2. Discounting 3. Defending) these aspects are the key to seeing how
hypotheses can contribute to theory.
5:6 For example, Freud had a theory of anxiety that included the concept of “repression.”
5:7 [14] (1. By 2. On 3. To) repression, Freud meant the forcing of unacceptable ideas into the
unconscious.
5:8 Testing Freud’s theory is thus a difficult matter, because the concepts of “repression” and the
“unconscious” need to be defined in a measurable, empirical way.
5:9 This is [15] (1. part 2. Soil. Most) of making a hypothesis and testing it empirically.
5:10 If the concepts used in a hypothesis are operationally defined, that is, empirically testable,
then a scientist can test the theory itself, and the theory can be improved upon.
5:11 [16] (1. Relative to 2. Depending Oil 3. Owing to) the hypothesis-testing activity tests not only
the hypothesis in question but also the validity of the theory under consideration.

■第6段落
6:1 Hypotheses are important in scientific investigation in that they can be tested and shown to be
probably true or probably false.
6:2 Isolated facts are not tested;
6:3 only relations are tested.
6:4 The fact that hypotheses are relational propositions is the main [17] (1. way 2. reason 3.
argument) they are used in scientific inquiry.
6:5 They are, in essence, predictions of the form, “If A, then B” which we set up to test the relation
between A and B.
6:6 We [18] (1. let 2. make 3. see) the facts have a chance to establish the probable truth or falsity
of the hypothesis.
6:7 A hypothesis is a prediction.
6:8 It says that if x occurs, y will also occur.
6:9 That is, y is predicted from x.
6:10 If, then, x is made to occur, and it is observed that y also occurs, then the hypothesis is
confirmed.
6:11 This is more powerful evidence than simply observing, [19] (1. with reservations 2. within the
limit 3. without prediction), the covering of x and y.
6:12 The scientist makes a bet that x leads to y.
6:13 If, in an experiment, x does lead to y, then she wins the bet.
6:14 She cannot just enter the game at any point and pick a perhaps accidental common
occurrence of x and y.
6:15 Games are not played this way.
6:16 She must play according to the rules, and the rules in science are made to minimize error.

総合政策学部 2008 問2
■第3段落
3:1 Nevertheless, the number of hungry people has grown in many other regions.
3:2 Drought, civil war and growing numbers of AIDS patients have led to stagnation in agricultural
food production.
3:3 HIV/AIDS has [34] (1. robbed 2. attacked 3. downgraded) many developing countries of
valuable labor, leading to poverty and hunger.
3:4 In some developing countries, on the other hand, agricultural production has been expanded to
an [35] (1. unreasonable 2. appropriate 3.accumulated) level to support population growth, leading
to environmental problems.

■第2段落
2:1 The public response to the natural disasters of 2005 shows there is no lack of funds.
2:2 In fact, the financial conditions of the various aid agencies have probably never been healthier.
2:3 The poor, however, continue to suffer.
2:4 Meanwhile, donors give blindly without demanding the accountability that guarantees results.
2:5 This is simply [31] (1. untrue 2. Uneasy 3.unacceptable).

■第11段落
11:1 What schools should do is to teach evolution emphasizing both its successes and it’s still
unexplained limitations.
11:2 Evolution, like almost every scientific theory, has some problems.
11:3 But they are not the kinds of problems that can be solved by assuming that an intelligent
designer created life.
11:4 Not a single [17] (1. piece 2. proportion 3. property) of scientific evidence in support of this
theory has been put forth since the critics of Darwin began writing in the 19th century.

■第9段落
9:1 When those talented creatures lived in a world that rewarded such precision, they [14] (1.
recovered 2. regained 3. reproduced) while untalented creatures died out.
9:2 Maybe the talented ones were better able to find food or avoid being eaten and the untalented
ones could not.
9:3 These first genetic accidents were followed, over millions of years, by others that made it
possible for some creatures to see very tiny objects or see at great distances.
9:4 Such creatures had an evolutionary [15] (1. advantage 2. preference 3. priority) over other
creatures that could not do those things.

■第1段落
1:1 He has been called “the greatest leader that ever came on Gods earth,” yet he never led a
group larger than twenty-seven.
1:2 He failed to reach nearly every goal he ever set, and until recently, he had been little
remembered after his death.
1:3 But once you learn the story of Sir Ernest Shackleton and his remarkable Antarctic expedition
of 1914-1916, you’ll come to agree with the effusive praise of those [1] ( 1. Around 2. Beyond 3.
Under) his command.
1:4 He is a model of great leadership and, in particular, a master of guidance in crisis.

■第5段落
5:1 Sir Ernest set out at age forty on an independent voyage to make what he considered the last
great expedition [7] ( 1. accomplished 2. left 3. devoted) on earth: an eighteen-hundredmile
crossing of Antarctica on foot.
5:2 The expedition ship, named the Endurance after the Shackleton family motto Fortitude Vicious,
By Endurance We Conquer,” set sail in August 1914 at the dawn of World War I and [8] (1. made
up with 2. made its way to 3. made off with) Buenos Aires, to South Georgia Island, and eventually
to the Antarctic Circle, where it plowed through one thousand miles of ice-Encrusted waters.
5:3 Just one days sail [9] (1. from 2. beyond 3. near) its destination in Vassal Bay on the Antarctic
coast, the ship got stuck like an almond in a chocolate bar” as it was later described, in the polar
ice of the Weddell Sea.

■第9段落
9:1 In the end, Shackleton took five men and sailed eight hundred miles in a lifeboat over stormy
seas to reach the inhabited island of South Georgia in the remote South Atlantic.
9:2 When [17] (1. in 2. by. for) some miracle they made their destination, they found they had to
cross a nearly impassable frozen mountain range to reach civilization: a whaling station.
9:3 The whalers, who had seen so much in their own hard lives, were in awe of the invincibility of
the men.
9:4 Immediately, Shackleton [18] (1. gave up 2. turned around 3. backed out) and led an effort to
rescue the rest of the crew on Elephant Island.
9:5 Amazingly, every single one had survived.

総合政策学部 2010 問1
■ 第4段落
4:1 Consider the parents of an eight-year-old girl named, say, Molly.
4:2 Her two best friends, Amy and Imani, live nearby.
4:3 Molly’s parents know that Amy’s parents keep a gun in their house, so they have forbidden
Molly to play there.
4:4 Instead, Molly spends a lot of time at Imani’s house, which has a swimming pool in the
backyard.
4:5 Molly’s parents feel good about having made such a smart choice to protect their daughter.
4:6 But according to the data, their choice isn’t smart at all.
4:7 [8] (1. In any given 2. In a certain 3. In one particular) year, there is one drowning of a child for
every 11,000 residential pools in the United States.
4:8 In a country with 6 million pools, this means that roughly 550 children under the age of ten
drown each year.
4:9 Meanwhile, there is 1 child killed by a gun for every 1 million-plus guns.
4:10 In a country with an estimated 200 million guns, this means that roughly 175 children under
ten die each year from guns.
4:11 The likelihood of death by pool (1 in 11,000) versus death by gun (1 in 1 million-plus) isn’t
even close: Molly is roughly 100 times more likely to die in a swimming accident at Imani’s house
than in gunplay at Amy’s.

総合政策学部 2010 問2、
■ 第5段落
5:1 The most [38] (1. ambitious 2. notorious 3. prosperous) recent example of this occurred at the
Brooklyn Museum of Art, when it presented Sensation, an exhibition of young British artists from
Charles Saatchi’s collection, and found itself initially under attack by the mayor of New York [39] (1.
by 2. in 3. for) displaying what he perceived to be blasphemous art, and then by the press for being
less than forthright about a number of facts, including whether Saatchi was also a major financial
donor to the exhibition.

総合政策学部 2011 問2、
■ 第4段落
4:1 The widespread opinion of many observers is that the unexplained gap between the pay of
men and women is chiefly the result of discrimination against women.
4:2 The reasoning is simple.
4:3 Most business owners or senior managers are men, and [35] (1. over 2. for 3. given)a choice
between hiring a man or a woman, the “old-boy network” operates in favor of the man.
4:4 According to this view, women can get the job only if they agree to accept lower wages.

■ 第8段落
8:1 The parenthood pay declines suffered by women stem from a variety of sources.
8:2 Some are [42] ( 1. put on 2. put out . put off) the “mommy track,” with reduced responsibilities
and hours of work; others move to different employers around the time their first child is born,
taking jobs that offer more flexible work schedules but offer [43] (1. characteristically 2. unduly 3.
correspondingly) lower pay as well.
8:3 Overall, a woman with average skills who has a child at age twenty-four can expect to receive
nearly $1 million less compensation over her career, [44] (1. as 2. compared to 3. over)one who
remains childless.
8:4 It is worth emphasizing that no similar effect is observed with men.
8:5 In fact, there is some evidence that men with children are actually paid more than men without
children.
8:6 These findings strongly suggest a fact that will [45] (1. consider 2. show 3. come) as no
surprise to most people: Despite the widespread entry of women into the labor force, they retain
the primary responsibility for child care at home, and their careers suffer as a result.

総合政策学部 2012 問1、
■ 第2段落
2:1 I call the first of these shifts “power transition” and the second,”power diffusion.”
2:2 The issue of power transition is sometimes called the rise of Asia, but it should more properly
be called the recovery of Asia.
2:3 If one looked at the world in 1750, one would see that Asia had more than half of the world’s
population, and represented more than half of the world’s products.
2:4 By 1900, Asia still had more than half of the world’s population, [1](1. but 2. so 3. for)it had
declined to only 20 percent of the world’s products.
2:5 What we have been seeing, and what we will see in the 21st century, is the recovery of Asia to
its normal proportions, with more than half of the world’s population and more than half of the
world’s products.
2:6 This started, of course, with Japan after the Meiji Restoration in 1868, and it [2](1. coincided 2.
worked 3. continued) with smaller countries like Korea, Singapore, Malaysia, and so forth.
2:7 Now the trend has spread to China, but it is also going to include India.
2:8 India now has growth rates of 8 to 9 percent a year.
2:9 During the course of the century, we should [3](1. see 2. understand 3. recognize) Asia as a
whole recovering to about what one would think would be normal proportions.
2:10 And that is power transition.

■ 第7段落
7:1 It is equally important not to be too fearful of the diffusion of power.
7:2 What we are seeing is that both China and the United States, and of course Japan and Europe
and others, will be facing a new set of transnational challenges, including climate change,
transnational terrorism, cyber insecurity, and pandemics.
7:3 All these issues, which are going to be increasing in the future, are going to require
cooperation.
7:4 They cannot be solved by any one country alone.
7:5 Many of these new transnational issues that we face are areas where we have to get away
from just thinking about power over others and think about power [18](1. with 2. without 3. under)
others.

総合政策学部 2012 問2、
■ 第6段落
6:1 The book guides readers through the field, [39](1. presenting 2. presents 3. presented) findings
from medicine, biology, sociology, anthropology, political science, economics, mathematics, and
beyond.
6:2 The authors discuss the spread of laughter, tastes in music, sexual behavior, and anxiety over
nut allergies.
6:3 The authors note one study that carefully compared the structure of networks of many
phenomena and found a strong similarity between the voting patterns of U.S. senators and social
bonding among cows.
6:4 They also report on Japanese biologist Toshiyuki Nakagaki’s findings that a kind of mold****
can “collaborate” by spreading out in the form of a network to explore all possible paths to a goal,
and that it is more efficient than his graduate students in finding the shortest route [40](1. on 2.
beyond 3. through) a maze.
6:5 The book also presents his follow-up studies, in which the mold was as good as or better than
humans at creating maps for railway systems in Great Britain and Japan.
6:6 These studies, they say, demonstrate the problem-solving power [41](1. capable of 2.
possessed by 3. used for) networks.

■ 第8段落
8:1 But the core of the Christakis-Fowler collaboration is original research on what spreads through
human social networks.
8:2 [43](1. By 2. Of 3. With) data from the Framingham Heart Study, which has been going on
since 1948, they mapped more than 50,000 social ties among 5,124 people (who were connected
to an external network of more than 12,000 people).
8:3 Because the study tracked all manner of health markers and asked subjects about an
exhaustive list of behaviors―diet and exercise, medications, smoking, emotions―it was [44](1. a
rich 2. a prosperous 3. an affluent) source of data.

■ 第9段落
9:1 The two men started publishing their findings with a splash: a 2007 article in the New England
Journal of Medicine reporting that obesity spreads through social networks, as people are
apparently influenced by friends’ weight gain to become fat themselves.
9:2 More [45](1. irrelevant 2. perplexing 3. obvious) is their finding that obesity spreads through up
to three degrees of separation.
9:3 If a subject named a friend who was also in the study, and that friend’s friend became obese,
the first subjects chances of becoming obese were roughly 20 percent greater.
9:4 Across one more degree of influence (for instance, husband’s friend’s friend―i.e, three
degrees away), the risk was 10 percent greater.
9:5 Weight gain appears to move through friend groups [46](1. versus 2. via 3. without)some
unseen mechanism such as changed eating or exercise behavior, or adjustment of social norms
regarding weight.

■ 第11段落
11:1 [47](1. By 2. For 3. Against) each trait that spreads through networks, Christakis and Fowler
(and others working in the field today) carefully chart how, and between whom transmission
occurs.
11:2 Does geographic proximity matter?
11:3 Are family relationships more influential than social relationships?
11:4 What about people who work together?
11:5 The answers vary depending on what is being transmitted.

■ 第12段落
12:1 Precise knowledge is needed for the type of network-based public-health interventions they
envision.
12:2 In addition to knowing what works―in the case of obesity, perhaps distributing healthy
recipes, or posting on Facebook or Twitter that you “feel so great after going for a run” to
encourage friends to exercise―such interventions require knowing who is most influential, and this
may vary from purpose to purpose.
12:3 Christakis and Fowler write that a network-based vaccination campaign, [48](1. consulting 2.
excluding 3. targeting) people with the most social contacts, could be three times more costeffective
than a campaign that aims for universal vaccination.
12:4 Campaigns of the latter type over-vaccinate; immunizing only people who are hubs in social
networks would enable administering a minimum of doses for maximum effect.
12:5 For instance, recommendations that healthcare workers receive more vaccinations than
average citizens follow a similar model, assuming that such workers will have more [49](1.
sympathy for 2. contact with 3. knowledge about) sick people and thus are more likely to spread
infections.
12:6 A network-based disease prevention campaign, prioritizing well-connected people when
monitoring infection’s spread, could be 700 times more efficient than random monitoring.

■ 第13段落
13:1 But when it comes to diet and exercise, is it better to have people with more connections
recommend the healthy recipes and post exercise messages, or to have the positive signals come
from close friends of the target?
13:2 That puzzle has not been solved, [50](1. even though 2. unless 3. except) efficient publichealth
spending depends on the answers to such questions.
13:3 However, these network models should provide the insight necessary to come up with these
answers one day, as well as answers to a host of political, social, economic, and other problems.

総合政策学部 2013 問1、
■ 第12段落
12:1 The benefits of glucose were [18] (1. unmistakable 2. inconsequential. unobservable) in the
study of the Israeli parole board mentioned at the beginning of this article.
12:2 In midmorning, the parole board would take a break, and the judges would be served a
sandwich and a piece of fruit.
12:3 The prisoners who appeared just before the break had only about a 20 percent chance of
getting parole, but the ones appearing right after had around a 65 percent chance.
12:4 The odds dropped again as the morning wore on, and prisoners really didn’t want to appear
just before lunch: the chance of getting parole at that time was only 10 percent.
12:5 After lunch it soared up to 60 percent, but only [19] (1. somewhat 2. briefly. nominally).
12:6 Remember that Jewish Israeli prisoner who appeared at 3:10 p.m. and was denied parole
from his sentence for assault?
12:7 He had the misfortune of being the sixth case heard after lunch.
12:8 But another Jewish Israeli prisoner serving the same sentence for the same crime was lucky
enough to appear at 1:27 p.m., the first case after lunch, and he was rewarded with parole.
12:9 It must have seemed to him like a fine example of the justice system at work, but [20](1. in
addition 2. in actuality 3 . In sum), it probably had more to do with the judge’s glucose levels than
the details of his case.

総合政策学部 2013 問2、
■ 第4段落
4:1 As a result, most political ecologists tacitly cling to a “softer” form of constructivism, which holds
that our concepts of reality are real and have force in the world but that they reflect incomplete,
incorrect, biased and false understandings of an empirical reality.
4:2 In other words, the objective world is real and independent of our [37] (1. sophistication 2
categorization 3. cohabitation) but filtered through subjective conceptual systems and scientific
methods that are socially conditioned.
4:3 [38](1 Within 2. Without 3. By) this approach to constructivism, there are differing emphases,
which center attention either on people’s misunderstanding of objective facts or on the social
biases that enter into scientific exploration.

■ 第7段落
7:1 The history of ecology is revealing in this respect.
7:2 The dominant theories of the operation of natural systems have consistently reflected the
prevailing social languages and assumptions of their times.
7:3 [41] (1. Underachieving 2. Culminating 3. Emerging) during the high Industrial age, the science
of ecology came to depend heavily on metaphors and concepts from mechanical engineering, with
orderly, cyclical processes structured around balance and symmetry.
7:4 It also [42](1. laid 2 drew 3. carried) heavily, and somewhat contradictorily, upon philosophical
Romanticism and the obsession with holism and interdependence, as is found in Romantic writers
like Henry David Thoreau.
7:5 These metaphors, on which science depends, became unsatisfactory in recent years, either
because they reflected reality poorly, or didn’t fit changing social and cultural codes and now are In
a state of [43](1. satisfaction 2. agreement 3. upheaval).

総合政策学部 2014 問1、
■ 第4段落
4:1 The second feature is that while the power of formal knowledge [3](1. does away with 2.
presides over 3. resides in) its ability to organize specific findings into logical categories described
by general principles, the power of common sense lies in its ability to deal with every concrete
situation on its own terms.
4:2 For example, it is a matter of common sense that what we wear or do or say in front of our
boss will be different from how we behave in front of our friends.
4:3 Common sense just “knows” what the appropriate thing to do is in any particular situation, [4](1.
without 2. upon 3. while) knowing how it knows it.

 

■第3段落
3:1 For a hundred thousand years, the manages invented nothing.
3:2 But they started to change, and developed skills which no other animal possessed.
3:3 The tools they had been programmed to use were simple enough, yet they could change this
world and make the manages its masters.
3:4 The most [2](1. complicated 2. elegant 3. primitive) was the hand-held stone, that multiplied
many-fold the power of a blow.
3:5 Then there was the bone club, that lengthened the [3](1. edge 2. reach 3. weight) and could
provide a buffer against the fangs or claws of angry animals.
3:6 With these weapons, the limitless food that roamed the savannas was theirs to [4](1. come 2.
make 3. Take).
3:7 They were no longer defenseless against the predators with whom they had to compete.
3:8 They could drive away the smaller carnivores;
3:9 the larger ones they could at least discourage from attacking, and sometimes put to flight.
3:10 But they needed other aids, for their teeth and nails could not readily dismember anything
larger than a rabbit.
3:11 Luckily, nature had provided the ‘perfect’ tools, requiring only the wit to pick them up.

■第4段落
4:1 There was a crude but very efficient knife or saw, which would serve well for the next three
million years.
4:2 It was simply the lower jawbone of an antelope, with the teeth still in [5](1. frame 2. pattern 3.
place); there would be no substantial improvement until the coming of steel.
4:3 Then there was an awl or dagger in the form of a gazelle horn, and finally a scraping tool made
from the complete jaw of almost any small animal.

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