慶應義塾大学SFC 英語 語法三択テクニック 『文中の言葉の置き換えの言葉が入る(対比による書き換えも含む)問題』

環境情報学部 1,995 問1、
■第2段落
2:1 The information involved in animal communication can come from many sources; any facet of the environment (1)( 1. created 2. perceived 3. imagined) is considered information.
2:2 In linguistic communication the primary function of words is to convey information.
2:3 Similarly, animals (including man) have modes of behaviour that, in the course of evolution, were selected for their value in providing vehicles for conveying information.
2:4 During the evolutionary process some of these vehicles also (2)(1. remained 2. retained 3. underwent) more direct functions, but many became specialized for a communicative function alone.
2:5 These communicative acts, known as displays, include various posturings and movements; sounds; particular ways of making contact among individuals; the release of specialized chemicals called pheromones; and even electrical discharges.
2:6 Displays have been studied as important means for transmitting information in animal communication.
2:7 There are, of course, other information sources in animals, some of which have also undergone evolutionary (3)(1.specification 2. specialization 3. generalization) toward a communication function.
2:8 Among them are what may be called badges — i.e., attributes that are merely structural and nonbehavioral in nature: the red breast of the robin, the red underside of the breeding male stickleback fish, and the mane of the male lion.
2:9 Many other sources of information can be found in the repeated forms of interaction that develop during prolonged relationships between two individuals and in individual expectations about the nature of the roles in which they encounter others, both familiar associates and strangers.
2:10 The activities of individuals who interact socially provide a constant and usually rich information source, but, in the study of nonhuman communication, the bulk of systematic research thus far has been (4)(1. directed 2. induced 3. stipulated) toward displays and badges; it is, therefore, these highly specialized categories that are of the greatest concern here.

環境情報学部 1,995 問2
■第1段落
1:1 Liberalism, in politics, is a doctrine that holds that constitutions, laws, and political proposals should promote individual liberty based on the exercise of rational will.
1:2 Because this criterion is (1) (1. straightforward 2. clear 3. ambiguous) , a great variety of conflicting views have claimed the title “liberal.”

■第2段落
2:1 One way to grasp the idea central to liberalism is to consider what liberalism is (2) (1. not 2. claiming 3. revealing) .
2:2 From a liberal point of view, the slave and the serf are the most miserable of men — the slave because he is at the mercy of arbitrary despotism, and the serf because his life is repressively regulated by customary rules and duties.
2:3 Neither can exercise his rational will.
2:4 Despotism and feudalism are the twin enemies of liberalism.

■第12段落
12:1 One result of this opinion has been a vast quantity of social welfare legislation.
12:2 It has also produced a persistent (13) (1. equality 2. subsidy 3. incoherence) within liberal doctrine.
12:3 For liberalism encompasses strong tendencies hostile to anything more than a minimum amount of state regulation of social life and, on the other hand, Equally strong tendencies to employ the state’s powers of compulsion to solve a variety of problems ranging from racial prejudice to industrial pollution.

■第20段落
20:1 Second, many persons became fascinated with the possibility of bureaucratic organization, by contrast with which the hit-and-miss of capitalist entrepreneurs seemed outmoded and inefficient.

20:2 Third, moral admiration was directed away from the person who mastered his passions and (20) (1. committed 2. submitted 3. emitted) to authority and toward the one who struggled against authority.
20:3 Fourth, many things previously attributed to the “original sin” of human nature came to be attributed to the irrational fries of social structure.
20:4 And finally, these enlightened ideas, although they had earlier been associated with despotism, gained democratic favor from their sponsorship by the French revolutionaries.
20:5 All these considerations facilitated the advance of modern liberalism.

環境情報学部 1,996 問1、
■第1段落
1:1 Leadership has been defined as the power of one or a few individuals to induce a group to adopt a particular line of policy.
1:2 Leadership has always fascinated the general public (1)(1. as well as 2. as told to 3.as understood by) observers of political life because of the element of “miracle” which seems embedded in the phenomenon.
1:3 It appears to belong to the realm of the divine, of the (2)(1. secular 2. mundane 3. sacred) as it creates a bond between rulers and ruled which defies ordinary explanations.
1:4 Not surprisingly, therefore, leadership has (3)(1. proved 2. found 3. judged) difficult to measure and to assess; works on the subject have tended to be descriptions of the deeds of heroes rather than careful analyses of the subject.

■第3段落
3:1 One reason why the personal qualities required of a leader (6)(1.should 2. may 3. may not) be diverse is because leadership cannot be divorced from the environment within which it occurs.
3:2 The role of this environment is (7)(1. manifest 2. manifold 3. manipulative) in several ways.
3:3 To begin with, the personal qualities of leaders are personal only in the sense that these leaders happen to possess them: they may also be viewed as being in part the product of the environment, from the family in which the leaders grew up to the nation to which they belong.
3:4 But there are two other essential ways in which leadership is related to and indeed (8)(1. contends with 2. suspends from 3. depends on) the environment.
3:5 First, leadership is, usually at least, clearly connected to the holding of a particular position: a prime minister may exercise his or her leadership more or less successfully; in the first instance, however, the fact of being prime minister provides opportunities which others do not have.
3:6 The holder of such a post is expected to be a leader; other politicians and the population as a whole look to the head of the government for guidance.
3:7 What needs explanation is more why some prime ministers or presidents do not succeed in becoming real leaders, rather than why they succeed (9)(1. in doing it 2. in doing so 3. in being it) .

3:8 Indeed, more generally, the institutional framework truly fashions the characteristics of leadership in that it provides opportunities to exercise power: the British prime minister, for example, has an easier task in this respect than the Italian prime minister, who heads a coalition government whose many components are more likely to rebel than to follow.

環境情報学部 1,996 問2、
■第8段落
8:1 The principle of juxtaposition permits the enactment of cultural themes that may be deeply rooted in concepts of (16)(1. difference 2. maintenance 3. structure) and contrast or may derive from oppositions or conflicts in social experience.
8:2 For example, until the modern era, most societies were preoccupied with survival and thus concentrated attention on fertility rites and reproductive acts, emphasizing gender differences.

8:3 Today festivals continue to represent an opportunity for the enactment of gender roles and for courtship and romance.

環境情報学部 1,997 問2
■第5段落
5:1 So much for the difference between the media and the traditional “high” arts.

5:2 What about the way we deal with material goods?
5:3 Our relationship with mass-produced goods has changed as it has with the products of “high” art.
5:4 Differences have been (7) (1. induced 2. reduced 3. produced) , or erased; but along with the differences, temporal relationships have been distorted.
5:5 Scholars may still be (8) (1. ignorant 2. unconscious 3. aware) of them, but not the ordinary consumer.
5:6 We have achieved what the culture of the 60s was demanding, that there should not be one set of products for the masses and, other, more difficult products for the cultivated, (9)( 1. responsive 2.renowned 3 .refined) public.

■第8段落
8:1 In the ideal college, intrinsic education would be available to anyone who wanted it-since anyone can improve and learn.
8:2 The college would be (12)( 1. unanimous 2. unitary 3. ubiquitous) — that is, not restricted to particular buildings at particular times, and the teachers would be any human beings who had something that they wanted to share with others.
8:3 The college would be life-long, for learning can take place all through life.

環境情報学部 1998 問1
■第6段落
6:1 But the real point of electronic documents is not simply that we’ll read them on hardware devices.
6:2 Going from paper book to e-book is just the final stage of a process already well under way.
6:3 The significant aspect of digital documents is the (11) (1. reinstallation 2. replacement 3. redefinition) of the document itself, which will cause dramatic repercussions.
6:4 We’ll have to rethink not only what we mean by the term “document” but also what we mean by “author,” “publisher,” “office,” “classroom,” and “text.”

■第8段落
8:1 CD-ROMs provide us with some models for the creation of on-line content.
8:2 CD-ROM-based multimedia titles have integrated different types of information — text, graphics, photographic images, animation, music, and video — into single documents, and right now they’re our best (15) (1. approximations 2. solutions 3. resolutions) of what the rich documents of the future will be like.

環境情報学部 1998 問2
■第8段落
8:1 Equipment breaks down, it is Sunday night, the stores are all closed, and the audience is arriving in an hour.
8:2 You are forced to do a little bricolage, improvising some new and crazy device.
8:3 Then you attain some of your best moments.
8:4 Ordinary objects or trash suddenly become valuable working materials, and your perceptions of what you need and what you don’t need (7)( 1. adversely 2. radically 3. momentarily) shift.
8:5 Among the things I love so much about performing are those totally unforeseen, impossible calamities.
8:6 In life, as in a Zen koan, we create by shifting our perspective to the point at which interruptions are the answer.
8:7 The (8) (1. sharpening 2. relaxation 3. redirection) of attention involved in incorporating the accident into the flow of our work frees us to see the interruption with new eyes, and find the alchemical gold in it.

環境情報学部 1,999 問2
■第3段落
3:1 Young scientists are indoctrinated with the gravity of this error.
3:2 As animal behaviorist* David McFarland explains, “They often have to be specially trained to (5)(1. describe 2.accept 3. resist) the temptation to interpret the behavior of other species in terms of their normal behavior-recognition mechanisms.”
3:3 In his recent book The New Anthropomorphism, behaviorist John S. Kennedy laments, “The scientific study of animal behavior was inevitably marked from birth by its anthropomorphic parentage and to a significant extent it still is.
3:4 It has had to struggle to free itself from this erroneous approach and the struggle is not over.

3:5 Anthropomorphism (6)(1. remains 2. restructures 3. recognizes) much more of a problem than most of today’s neobehaviorists believed….
3:6 If the study of animal behavior is to mature as a science, the process of (7)1. cancellation 2. liberation 3. interference) from the delusions of anthropomorphism must go on.”
3:7 His hope is that “anthropomorphism will be brought under control, even if it cannot be cured completely.
3:8 Although it is probably programmed into us genetically as well as being learned culturally, that does not mean the disease is untreatable.”

■第4段落
4:1 To accuse a scientist of anthropomorphism is to make a severe criticism of unreliability.
4:2 It is regarded as a species-confusion, a forgetting of the line between subject and object.
4:3 To assign thoughts or feelings to a creature known incapable of them would, indeed, be a problem.
4:4 But to ascribe to an animal emotions such as joy or sorrow is only anthropomorphic error if one knows that animals cannot feel such emotions.
4:5 Many scientists have made this decision, but not on the basis of evidence.
4:6 The situation is not so much that emotion is denied but that it is regarded as too dangerous — such a minefield of (8)(1. relativity 2. objectivity 3.subjectivity) that no investigation of it should take place.
4:7 As a result, all but the most prominent scientists (9)(1. obtain 2. risk 3. establish) their reputations and credibility in venturing into this area.
4:8 Thus many scientists may actually believe that animals have emotions, but be unwilling not only to say that they believe it, but unwilling to study it or encourage their students to investigate it.

4:9 They may also (10)(1. defend 2. attack 3. copy) other scientists who try to use the language of the emotions.
4:10 Nonscientists who seek to retain scientific credibility must tread carefully.
4:11 An administrator at one internationally known animal training institute remarked, “We don’t take a position on whether animals have emotions, but I’m sure if you talked to any one of us we’d say ‘Sure they have emotions.’
4:12 But as an organization we would not want to be (11)(1. depicted 2. anticipated 3. rejected) as saying they have emotions.”

■第5段落
5:1 From the belief that anthropomorphism is a desperate error, a sin or a disease, flow further research (12)(1.taboos 2. incentives 3. interests), including rules that dictate use of language.

5:2 A monkey cannot be angry; it exhibits aggression.
5:3 A crane does not feel affection; it (13)1.conceals 2. displays 3. prohibits) courtship or parental behavior.
5:4 A cheetah is not frightened by a lion; it shows flight behavior.

5:5 In keeping with this, Frans de Waal’s use of the word reconciliation in reference to chimpanzees who come together after a fight has been criticized: Wouldn’t it be more objective to say “first postconflict contact”?
5:6 In the struggle to be objective, this kind of language employs distance and the refusal to (14)(1. maneuver 2. manage 3. identify) with another creature’s pain.

環境情報学部 2,000 問1、
■第5段落
5:1 Nonetheless, the 1997-98 El Niño was an unusual one.
5:2 It developed so rapidly that every month between June and December 1997 set a new [10] (1. annually 2. monthly 3. weekly) record high for sea-surface temperatures in the eastern equatorial Pacific.
5:3 Anomalies (that is, deviations from normal) in December 1997 were the highest ever recorded along the Equator in the eastern Pacific.
5:4 Moreover, before 1997-98, the previous record setting El Niño occurred in 1982-83.

5:5 These two ‘super El Niños’ were [11] (1. similar 2. different 3. separated) by only 15 years, compared with a typical 30-40 year gap between such events earlier this century.

環境情報学部 2,000 問2
■第3段落
3:1 The photograph has been [7] (1. taken 2. kept back 3. reprinted) many times, and it has been duplicated in advertisements for a number of nongovernmental aid agencies that are raising funds to provide food to refugees.
3:2 This is a classic instance of the use of moral sentiment to mobilize support for social action.
3:3 One [8] (1. should appreciate 2. cannot look at 3. will evaluate) this picture without wanting to do something to protect the child and drive the vulture away, or, as one aid agency puts it, to prevent other children from succumbing in the same heartlessly inhuman way by giving a donation.

■第8段落
8:1 Another [18] (1. possibility 2. advantage 3. source) is that the ENSO cycle may be interacting with the Pacific Decadal* Oscillation (PDO) — which, as the name [19] (1. compels 2. implies 3. occasions), is a naturally occurring oscillation of the coupled ocean- atmosphere system in the Pacific with a period of several decades.
8:2 In association with the PDO, sea surface temperatures have generally been higher in the tropical Pacific from the mid-1970s.
8:3 Since then, there have been more EI Nanos than La Niña’s.
8:4 The early 1990s was a [20] (1. length 2. duration 3. period) of extended warmth in the tropical Pacific, and two super EI Nanos occurred.
8:5 The PDO may be one of the reasons for the observed decadal changes of the ENSO cycle, because it affects the background conditions on which ENSO events develop.
8:6 From that perspective, the strength of the 1997-98 EI Nino may be but one manifestation of a linkage between internal and decadal climate variations in the Pacific.

環境情報学部 2,001 問1、
■第4段落
4:1 What does this have to do with the mystery of child language acquisition?
4:2 If we knew that our ancestors developed language through cognition and learning, then it [4] (1. denies 2. follows 3. proves) that modern human children probably do the same thing.
4:3 Children must use the same [5] (1. applications 2. rules 3. strategies) to learn language — observation, imitation, and play — that they use to learn other skills, like tying their shoes or playing the piano.
4:4 Language, of course, is more complicated than shoe tying and more universal than piano playing, so somewhere along the [6] (1. avenue 2. way 3. street) humans must have developed a specialized way of learning in order to acquire language.

■第9段落
9:1 Chomsky said that the language acquisition device — or “language organ” — was located in the left hemisphere of the brain, but there is no anatomical [11] (1. counterpart 2. hypothesis 3. evidence) to support this.
9:2 But anatomy aside, the language device was a reasonable hypothesis for explaining how children acquired language.
9:3 What was not reasonable, however, was Chomsky’s [12] (1. suggestion 2. criticism 3. analogy) that such a device was unique to humans.
9:4 There simply wasn’t enough time, in the brief six million year period since humans diverged from apes, for evolution to add on a completely new brain structure.
9:5 This “add on” scenario was at odds with the laws of biology.
9:6 The primate brain did not evolve like an ever-expanding house, adding on new rooms as it grew from monkey ancestor to ape ancestor to human.
9:7 Instead, evolution was continually [13](1.abandoning 2. reorganizing 3. eliminating) what it already had taking old structures and putting them to use for new mental tasks.環境情報学部 2,001 問2、

■第12段落
12:1 The British public’s concern about genetically modified (GM) crops, based in part on justifiable environmental concerns, must be placed in this context.
12:2 Whatever hazard GM crops may pose to the environment is linked to the general problem of biodiversity in a landscape damaged by the intensification of agriculture.
12:3 The environmental safety aspects of GM must be thoroughly investigated to define the [19](1. risks 2. profits 3. degrees) before moving to large-scale commercial planting.
12:4 Even then, we must continue careful observation and evaluation.
12:5 But we must also recognize a potential benefit of GM crops — to give us a wider range of options as we try to make a more [20](1. heterogeneous 2. sustainable 3. intensive) future for agriculture than that created by the last green revolution.環境情報学部 2002 問1、

■第3段落
3:1 Using this data, researchers have uncovered some surprising findings.
3:2 People are happier than one might expect, and happiness does not appear to depend significantly on external circumstances.
3:3 Although viewing life as a tragedy has a long and honorable history, the responses of random [1](1.samples 2. data 3. theories) of people around the world paint a rosier picture.

■第13段落
13:1 In a large number of studies, four traits [12](1.diminish 2. evaluate 3.characterize) happy people.
13:2 First, especially in individualistic Western cultures, they like themselves.
12:3 They have high self-esteem and usually believe themselves to be more ethical, more intelligent, less prejudiced, better able to get along with others and healthier than the average person.
13:4 Second, happy people typically feel personal control.
13:5 Those with little or no control over their lives — such as prisoners, nursing home patients, severely impoverished groups or individuals, and citizens of totalitarian regimes — suffer lower morale* and worse [13](1. happiness 2. health 3. success).
13:6 Third, happy people are usually optimistic.
13:7 Fourth, most happy people are extroverted*.
13:8 Although one might expect that introverts* would live more happily in the calmness of their less stressed, contemplative lives, extroverts are happier — whether alone or with others.

■第15段落
15:1 Whatever the reason, the close personal relationships that characterize happy lives are also correlated with health.
15:2 Compared with loners, those who can name several [15] (1.aged 2.intimate 3.social) friends are healthier and less likely to die prematurely.
15:3 For nine out of ten people, the most significant alternative to aloneness is marriage.
15:4 Although a broken marriage can cause much misery, a good marriage apparently is a strong source of support.
15:5 During the 1970s and 1980s, 39 percent of married adults told the National Opinion Research Center they were “very happy,” as compared with 24 percent of those who had never married.
15:5 In other surveys, only 12 percent of those who had divorced [16](1. perceived 2. correlated 3. persuaded) themselves to be “very happy.”

15:6 The happiness gap between the married and never married was similar for men and women.

環境情報学部 2002 問2
■第3段落
3:1 Dr. Gyllensten and his colleagues have described the [4] (1. local 2. global 3. various) mtDNA diversity in humans based on analyses of the complete mitochondrial genomes of 53 people of diverse geographical, racial and linguistic backgrounds.

3:2 Each sequence in these genomes is much longer than those previously studied.

3:3 The result is a robust family tree* rooted in Africa, which indicates the exodus* from Africa within the past 100,000 years (recent in evolutionary terms).
3:4 With this result, the scientific opinion further shifted [5](1. away from 2. along with 3. towards) the claim that modern humans, Homo sapiens, originated in Africa.総合政策学部 1995 問1

■第6段落
6:1 In controlling the cultural, public aspects of their societies, including the very institutions that produce the ideology legitimating such control, men in sexist societies become the gatekeepers who decide what is to be defined as valuable, worthy, and proper.
6:2 It is their imagery of females that becomes the official, societal definition.
6:3 Men define that which constitutes humanness, and, in the words of French existentialist Simone de Beauvoir, women become simply “the other.”

6:4 Substantial research suggests that conceptions of “human” and “masculine” tend to coincide, but they differ from those of (11)(1. “individual” 2. “feminine” 3. “artistic”) .
6:5 If a woman manages to produce a painting, a musical composition, a poem, or a scientific paper, it is judged by the standards men have set, if indeed male gatekeepers deem a woman’s production worthy of being judged at all.
6:6 Such standards are taken to be universal and unbiased, not as the product of specific people with vested interests.
6:7 They assume a reality of their own that transcends their social origins and are seen as applicable across time and space.
6:8 Women who would produce cultural artifacts in a sexist society are caught in a double bind: they can attempt to meet male standards that are defined as (12) (1. universal 2. Masculine 3.thetic), but since they are not male they compete for recognition at a disadvantage; or they can produce according to their own experience and ideas of quality, and their products will typically be defined as (13) (1. innocent 2. inferior 3. tasteful) by societal gatekeepers.
6:9 Thus, for instance, women’s art in basketry, weaving, and needlework constitute only “crafts,” whereas men’s in paint, stone, and bronze are “fine arts.”総合政策学部 1,995 問2

■第1段落
1:1 If rules are treated as fixed and non controversial entities, then it becomes difficult to explain their origins.
1:2 The problem is a particularly acute one for theorists applying the game metaphor.
1:3 The difficulty of discussing the origins of games by applying the game metaphor is well illustrated by Michael Argyle’s article about the rules of social life.
1:4 Argyle, having stated that “even the most fiercely competitive and aggressive games can only take place if both sides abide by the rules”, adds the comment that “rules are developed gradually, as cultural products, as ways of handling certain situations; they can be changed, but changes are slow.”
1:5 These comments suggest that the formulation of rules is something which somehow evolves with (1) (1. observable changes 2. sluggish mystery 3. open arguments) almost as imperceptibly as biological evolution.
1:6 Just as the experimental social psychologist can safely assume that the course of biological evolution is not going to be changed in the middle of an experiment, so the rule theorist can rest (2) ( 1. assured 2. debated 3. informed) that the rules of social life will not be subject to sudden and troublesome alterations.
1:7 However, this tacit dismissal of the issue of rule formulation is based upon (3) (1. a misconception 2. a new assumption 3. a historical condition).
1:8 The major Sports of the modern world, such as football, cricket, tennis, and rugby, do not owe their rules to a slow process of accumulation, stretching over centuries of folk custom.
1:9 On the contrary, the nineteenth century (4) (1. reached 2. evolved 3.saw) an energetic burst of rulemaking.
1:10 Some important studies in the sociology of sport have shown that this rulemaking occurred at specific times of social change.
1:11 Moreover, it was predominantly confined to a particular class.

■第2段落
2:1 Much of the early rule formation arose directly out of argumentation, for it had been necessary to develop more regular procedures for settling disputes.
2:2 For example, the 1846 rules of rugby were (5) (1. complete 2. not exhaustive 3.closed) rules of procedure, covering all aspects of the sport, but, in point of fact, were little more than decisions of certain disputed points.
2:3 Things were not settled once-and for all when the various self-appointed rule makers had codified their decisions into proper systems of rules.
2:4 Disputes were still liable to arise, especially as tactics and styles developed.
2:5 In fact, the administrators of all sports need to monitor the rules, in order to make certain that the delicate balances between attack and defense, between vigor and dullness, and so on, are maintained.
2:6 If the authorities (6) (1. succeed in 2. tackle with 3. fail in) this task, the new developments, which are so necessary if a game is to continue to be interesting, can so easily upset the balances on which all sports depend.
2:7 Within every sport there will be individuals or lobbies who will (7) (1. deny 2. announce 3. support) that the change would lead to improvement.

2:8 The continual monitoring of rules ensures that the process of rule formulation is never ended.

総合政策学部 1996 問1、
■第3段落
3:1 Persuasion has often been defined as an act of human communication that has the specific goal of influencing the beliefs, opinions, and attitudes, and/or behavior of others.
3:2 In many instances this definition does not describe the full range of conditions under which persuasion takes place.
3:3 Specifically, when receiver factors are taken into account one message may be a clear example of persuasive communication to a specific audience or individual, while presented to another it may simply (2)(1. devalue 2. impair 3. validate) existing beliefs and opinions and thus fail to present a clear distinction of persuasion.
3:4 Furthermore, instances of coercion can be (3)(1. misguided 2. misplaced 3. misconstrued) as acts of persuasion since there is a fine boundary between forced change and persuasive change.

3:5 For practical purposes, we will focus on the more (4)(1. salient 2. opaque 3. congenial)instances of persuasion and contrast them with examples that are not as distinct.

■第7段落
7:1 A related source factor which is closely linked to credibility involves the receivers’ liking of the communicator.
7:2 Although the effects of liking tend to be weaker than those of credibility factors, they still play a dominant role in persuasibility.
7:3 There are two general rules to this source factor; one of these rules is that when a receiver is highly involved in an issue, influences such as liking are greatly reduced.
7:4 In this case, receivers tend to actively process the message and pay less attention to peripheral cues such as liking.
7:5 On the other hand, if a receiver is not highly involved inthe issue then he or she is more likely to rely on (10)(1. simplistic 2. controversial 3. obnoxious) cues such as liking to develop opinions about the message.
7:6 In some cases disliked communicators are more effective than liked communicators.
7:7 This has been shown to occur when other characteristics of the communicator, such as credibility factors, produce a compensation effect.

7:8 Furthermore, disliked communicators are more persuasive in cases where the receiver has paid more attention to the message content than to the communicator’s personal characteristics.

■第8段落
8:1 Along with factors involving the communicator’s own personal characteristics, structural components of the message contribute to effective persuasive communication also.
8:2 There are a number of important questions to consider concerning the content of persuasive messages.
8:3 For example, should the message arouse emotion or highlight well-reasoned examples to support your ideas?
8:4 Should you use one or two-sided appeals?
8:5 And lastly, how much discrepancy should the message contain in (11)(1. sight 2. light 3. retrospect) of the audience’s own existing opinions and beliefs?
8:6 These issues will be examined closely.

■第13段落
13:1 Persuasive communicators commonly have an idea of how much they wish to modify a given audiences attitudes and opinions.
13:2 Some communicators may defend a position strongly discrepant to that held by the audience, while others may possibly advocate a position which is only somewhat discrepant from the audiences initial opinion.
13:3 Overall, research shows that with both excessive and (19)(1. conservative 2. liberal 3. radical)usage of discrepancy a communicators effectiveness is diminished.
13:4 The instance where discrepancy (20)(1. sustains 2. affords 3. works) best is when the message of the communicator is only slightly different from the opinions held by the audience.

13:5 As one would guess, moderate levels of discrepancy work best when the message is delivered by a credible communicator.
13:6 In some cases, messages with extreme levels of discrepancy seem to have positive results when given by a credible communicator.
13:7 Additionally, when a receiver maintains a high degree of involvement with a message the communicators range of discrepancy is greatly reduced.
13:8 As may already be apparent, a receiver who has a personal acquaintance with an issue may become more intolerant of strongly discrepant points of view.

総合政策学部 1996 問2、
■第7段落
7:1 In fact history does not belong to us, but we belong to it.
7:2 Long before we understand ourselves through the process of self-examination, we understand ourselves in a self-evident way in the family, society, and (10)(1. history 2. state 3. psychology) in which we live.
7:3 The focus of subjectivity is a distorting mirror.
7:4 The self-awareness of the individual is only a flickering in the closed circuits of historical life.
7:5 That is why the prejudices of the individual, far (11)(1. more 2. less 3. later) than his judgments, constitute the historical reality of his being.
7:6 Gadamer, Truth and Method (1975), p. 245.

■第10段落
10:1 We can become aware of some of our prejudices, and in that way emancipate ourselves from some of the limits they place on our thinking.
10:2 But we commit a fallacy in believing we can ever be (17)(1. full 2. free 3. composed) of all prejudice.
10:3 Instead of striving for a means of getting away from our own preunderstanding, a theory of interpretation should aim at revealing the ways in which that preunderstanding interacts with the text.

■第12段落
12:1 Gadamer’s discourse on language and tradition is based on a rather broad analysis of interpretation and understanding.
12:2 If we observe the hermeneutic circle only at the coarse-grained level offered by texts and societies, we remain (20)(1. geared 2. consistent 3. blind) to its operation at the much finer-grained level of daily life.
12:3 If we look only at language, we fail to relate it to the interpretation that constitutes non linguistic experience as well.

総合政策学部 1,997 問1、
■第10段落
10:1 The demographic effects of migration are sometimes difficult to evaluate.
10:2 The movement of x number of people from Country A to Country B would seem to have the effect of reducing A’s population and increasing B’s by the same amount.
10:3 But in the long run, this is not necessarily true.
10:4 Since the migrants typically are young adults, the fertility rate in the sending country may go down, while that in the receiving country may go up.
10:5 On the other hand, emigration may result in a higher birthrate by [17](1. relieving 2. receiving 3. retracting) population pressures that delay marriage and conception.
10:6 Immigration may lower the birthrate by speeding industrialization and urbanization, thus promoting the upward social mobility of the established population with a consequent [18](1. reduction 2. increase 3.balance) in average family size.

総合政策学部 1,997 問2
■第4段落
4:1 When asked to write a song of love, and a song of rage, Mozart astonished Barrington with passion he had trouble attributing to an eight year-old boy, with presumably limited experience of (4)(1. his times 2. any lessons 3. such passions) .

■第11段落
11:1 (12)(1. Therefore 2. Second 3. Nonetheless), just as young Mozart could separate and abstract single emotions, Darwin realized that standard facial gestures must be modules of largely independent action and that the human emotional repertoire must be more like the separate items in a shopper’s bag than the facets of an unbreakable totality.
11:2 Evolution can mix, (13) (1. run 2. survive 3. match) , and modify independently.
11:3 Otherwise we face Cuvier’s dilemma: if all emotions are inextricably bound by their status as interacting, optimal expressions, then how can anything ever change?

総合政策学部 1,998 問1、
■第5段落
5:1 Just how would you characterize the similarities and differences among Alice, Barbara, and Celia?
5:2 Clearly, all are exceedingly intelligent, though in very different ways.
5:3 People like Alice excel in traditional academic, or analytic, intelligence.
5:4 To the extent that intelligence is measured by (8)(1. conventional 2. genetic 3. creative) factors or information processing components, by its relationship to the internal world, Alice and individuals like her would be considered very, very smart.
5:5 Individuals like Barbara, on the other hand, do not appear nearly so intelligent by such ordinary standards.
5:6 Where they excel is in their synthetic ability, the ability to deal with novelty — to view new things in old ways or old things in new ways.
5:7 Hence Barbara’s intelligence, and that of others like her, becomes truly apparent (9) (1. unless
2. even though 3. only if) it is viewed in terms of the relationship of intelligence to experience, particularly novel experience.
5:8 People like Celia have neither Alice’s nor Barbara’s pattern of strength.
5:9 Instead, they excel in terms of the relationship between intelligence and the external world of the individual.
5:10 Their excellence resides in their practical intelligence — the ability to apply their mental abilities to (10) (1. novel 2. unusual 3. every day) situations.
5:11 Their street smarts are not measured by typical tests but quickly show up in their performance in real-world settings.

総合政策学部 1999 問1
■第14段落
14:1 David Cox has a counter to that argument.
14:2 “That genie has been out of the bottle for a long time,” he says.
14:3 “If we got rid of genetics today, we would not be at a loss for ways to (13)1. Justify 2. Classify 3. antagonize) people and create social inequities.”

環境情報学部 2013 問1
■ 第9段落
9:1 Our personalities are fluid.
9:2 Someone who’s gregarious and outgoing when happy may be introverted when [13](1. stressed 2. excited 3.joyful) .
9:3 We may think that our personalities are set, and our behaviors are predictable, but this is not necessarily the case.
9:4 Even people who think themselves to be gentle and mild-mannered may act brutally under certain conditions.
9:5 This was demonstrated by psychologist Stanley Milgram in his oft-cited experiment at Yale in the 1960s where he got decent ordinary people to apparently electrocute other subjects upon the instruction of a researcher in a white lab coat, a symbol of authority.

■ 第10段落
10:1 There is a reason that we act this way:
10:2 The personality traits that serve us well when we’re at dinner with our family might get [14](1. on 2. along 3. in) the way when we’re in a dispute with a passenger on the train or trying to finish a report at work.
10:3 The [15](1. platitude 2. plasticity . profusion) of the self allows for social situations that would be impossible or intolerable if we always behaved exactly the same way.
10:4 Advertisers have understood this phenomenon for a long time.
10:5 It’s no accident that you don’t hear many beer ads as you’re driving to work in the morning.
10:6 People have different needs and aspirations at eight a.m. than they do at eight p.m.
10:7 [16](1. By contrast 2. On the contrary 3. By the same token), billboards in the night life district promote different products than billboards in the residential neighborhoods the same partiers go home to.

■ 第12段落
12:1 However, the one-identity problem isn’t a fundamental flaw.
12:2 It’s more of a [18] (1. bug 2. bit 3. virus) :
12:3 Because Facebook thinks you have one identity and you don’t, it will do a worse job of personalizing your information environment.
12:4 As a friend of mine told me, “We’re so far away from the nuances of what it means to be human, as reflected in the nuances of the technology.”
12:5 People don’t have a single, tidy identity in all contexts, and every [19] (1. increasing 2. dropping 3.passing) fancy is not demonstrative of some core desire or interest.
12:6 In theory, however, the one-identity, context-blind problem isn’t impossible to fix.
12:7 Personalization will undoubtedly get better at sensing context, and, in fact, people in the field are working on it.
12:8 They might even be able to better balance long-term and short-term interests.
12:9 But when they do―when they are able to accurately [20](1. dial 2. gauge 3. switch) the workings of your psyche―things will get even more uncomfortable.

総合政策学部 2,000 問1
■第17段落
17:1 Postman: I very much like the idea that you use the word “clubbing,” which I prefer to community.
17:2 I think we have to pay a lot of attention to the new words were using in the computer age.

17:3 My point is that we need to pay attention to differences.
17:4 When we talk about distance learning, we have to ask ourselves what are the differences between what we call “distance learning” and other kinds of learning.
17:5 If we are careful about noting those [20](1. commonalities 2. differences 3. similarities) , then we can make better use of these new technologies.

総合政策学部 2,000 問2
■第2段落
2:1 The explanation for this is sometimes sought in the cultural differences that allegedly divide the world, a theory referred to as the “clash of civilizations” or a “battle between cultures.”
2:2 It is often asserted that Western countries recognize many human rights, related for example to political liberty, that have no great appeal in Asian countries.
2:3 Many people see a big divide [2](1. line 2. here 3. created) .

2:4 The temptation to think in these regional and cultural terms is extremely strong in the contemporary world.

■第5段落
5:1 If one influence in separating out human rights as specifically “Western” comes from the [6](1. pleading 2. denying 3. escaping) of governmental spokesmen from Asia, then another influence relates to the way this issue is perceived in the West itself.
5:2 There is a tendency in Europe and the United States to assume that it is in the West — and only in the West — that human rights have been valued from ancient times.
5:3 This allegedly unique feature of Western civilization has been, it is assumed, an alien concept [7](1. everywhere 2. anywhere 3. elsewhere) .
5:4 By stressing regional and cultural specificities, these Western theories of the origin of human
rights tend to reinforce the questioning of the concept of universal human rights in nonwestern societies.
5:5 By arguing that the valuing of toleration, of personal liberty, and of civil rights is a particular contribution of Western civilization, Western advocates of these rights often give an ironic support to the nonwestern critics of human rights.
5:6 The advocacy of an allegedly “alien” idea in non-Western societies can indeed look like cultural imperialism [8](1. attacked 2. sponsored 3. installed) by the West.

■第8段落
8:1 There are, however, other ideas, [12](1. either 2. such as 3. of) the value of toleration or the importance of individual freedom, which have been advocated and defended for a long time, often for the selected few.
8:2 For example, Aristotle’s writings on freedom and human flourishing provide good background material for the contemporary ideas of human rights.
8:3 But there are other Western philosophers (Plato and St. Augustine, for example) whose preference for order and discipline over freedom was no less pronounced than Confucius’.
8:4 [13](1. Also 2. Therefore 3. On the contrary) , even those in the West who did emphasize the value of freedom did not, typically, see this as a right of all human beings.
8:5 Aristotle’s exclusion of women and slaves is a good illustration of this no universality.

8:6 The defenses of individual freedom in Western tradition did exist but took a limited form.

総合政策学部 2,001 問1
■第4段落
4:1 The reality of cultural survival, then, lies somewhere between total disintegration and permanent preservation.
4:2 The most plausible meaning of the slogan as a political goal might be simply the preservation of difference: the desire that whatever cultures now exist should not lose their [6](1. equivalence 2. distinctiveness 3. universality) .
4:3 That cultural identity continues to serve as a means by which some people make sense of their place in the world, [7](1. no matter 2. therefore 3. however) much the content of their cultures may change over time.

■第5段落
5:1 So why would we think that cultural survival is valuable in itself?
5:2 One argument draws an analogy between cultures and other threatened aspects of the natural world: we ought to preserve cultures because to do otherwise is to allow something unique and [8] (1. irrational 2. irreplaceable 3. irrelevant) to leave the world.
5:3 Refusing to act against assimilation might be thought [9](1. compatible with 2. contrasted with 3. equivalent to) , say, shooting the last panda.

総合政策学部 2006 問2、
■第7段落
7:1 Traditional Societies did have their own forms of political and social decision making when facing problems in the community.
7:2 Before their exposure to western-style democracy, rural people could discuss their needs and plans [43] (1. in 2. among 3. to) themselves at village meetings, in temple gatherings, or elsewhere.
7:3 In these traditional ways of discussing and governing, the position of the village head or other local leaders was an inherited position, and this system had its drawbacks in that it was feudalistic and authoritarian.
7:4 But the [44] (1. advantage 2. reason 3. idea) was that these leaders were people from the same local area and they understood the local culture and values.

総合政策学部 2006 問1
■第2段落
2:1 But not as unimaginable as this :
2:2 according to a respected researcher who employs a method of ranking human happiness on a scale of 1 to 7 , poor Calcutta’s score about a 4, suggesting they’re slightly happier than[2](1.not 2. ever 3. before).
2:3 They may not be as happy as average Americans (who are pretty happy, statistically speaking, and positively [3] (1. cynical 2. pragmatic 3. euphoric) when compared with the dissatisfied Russians and sad Lath unions, but there certainly happier than one might expect.

■第7段落
7:1 If Colombians are happy mostly because they really like to be and Japanese are not so happy because, for them, happiness isn’t part of the plan, it would seem to follow that SWB has less to do with [13](1. subjective 2. material 3. unbiased) wellbeing and more to do with attitude.
7:2 This leads one, of course, to the case of the French.
7:3 Oishi notes that a “happy-go-lucky attitude” is not highly [14] (1. valued 2. unique 3. unusual) there, and thus France ranks lower than Denmark or Sweden on happiness surveys.
7:4 From this we might conclude that the Danes are happier than the French.
7:5 Yet the French report themselves to be healthier than the Danes do.
7:6 And happy or not, the French live longer than the Danes.
7:7 “This is a sort of paradox,” says Oishi.
7:8 Well, not if you really know French people.

総合政策学部 2,008 問1
■第2段落
2:1 Secondly, the scientist systematically and empirically tests her hypotheses.
2:2 The man in the street certainly tests his “hypotheses,” too, but he tests them in what might be [4] (1. defined 2. assumed 3. called) a selective fashion.
2:3 He often “selects” evidence simply because it is consistent with his hypothesis.
2:4 Take the stereotype: Fast food is bad for you.
2:5 If some people believe this, they can easily “verify” their belief by noting that many kinds of fast food are unhealthy.
2:6 [5] (1. Exceptions 2. Rules 3. Objectives) to the stereotype, such as healthy or low-fat fast foods, are not taken into account.
2:7 The true social scientist, knowing this “selection tendency” to be a common psychological phenomenon, carefully guards her research against her own preconceptions and predilections, and avoids selecting only the kinds of data that support her hypotheses.
2:8 Most importantly, she is not content with an armchair exploration of a relation;
2:9 she feels it [6] (1. uncomfortable 2. obligatory 3. stressful) to test her hypothesis against empirical reality.
2:10 She thus emphasizes the importance of systematic, controlled, and empirical testing of her hypotheses.

総合政策学部 2008 問2
■第7段落
7:1 The same tsunami [42] (1. dictated to 2. concealed from 3. demonstrated to) farmers living near the shoreline the importance of conserving local varieties of rice.
7:2 Several thousand hectares of rice fields along the coast became flooded with sea water.
7:3 Most varieties of rice [43] (1. survived 2. perished 3. mutated) , but a few salt resistant ones withstood the flood.

7:4 This disaster, however, greatly helped to promote the conservation of local biodiversity, and now every farmer wishes to maintain a “seed bank” for the preservation of seeds belonging to diverse varieties.
7:5 The disaster became an opportunity to prepare both fishing and farming communities to meet the [44] (1. challenges 2. demands 3. diseases) that are directly linked to a rise in sea level.
7:6 The biodiversity conservation movements in this area have now become community driven.

■第6段落
6:1 But economists recognize that for many families, you must adjust these calculations using what they call “psychological variables.”
6:2 Some divide household [43](1. expenditures 2. management 3. activities) into two categories:

6:3“consumption,” which should be something you enjoy, and “production,” which is anything that feels like work.
6:4 If you love gardening, it is consumption, but if you hate gardening, it is production and you will be more [44](1. reluctant 2. inclined 3. able) to hire someone else to do it.
6:5 As one economist says, “it’s not just about the money.”
6:6 That was how Sarah Kallie [45] (1. justified 2. uncovered 3. undermined) her long battle with the telephone company.
6:7 It was worth it for the satisfaction, says Ms. Kalliney.

■第7段落
7:1 This leads to the next question:
7:2 How can life change be maximized?
7:3 Geneva Global has found that the highest return on investment is generated by local, grassroots organizations rather than big national agencies or international non governmental organizations (NGOs).
7:4 This should not be [37] (1. surprising 2. common 3. Simple).
7:5 The poor know what they need and are tireless in taking advantage of self-help opportunities.
7:6 A classic example of this is James Tooley’s research demonstrating the success of locally managed schools in the world’s worst slums.
7:7 Thus, we find that maximum return on investment comes when funds are invested in the poorest places.
7:8 These are situations where traditional approaches have most thoroughly [38] (1. failed 2. succeeded 3. disappeared) .

■第6段落
6:1 The most effective measure we have found is prima facie: life change.
6:2 This is, at heart, what philanthropy is all about – changing the lives of the neediest among us.

6:3 Measuring life change can be remarkably easy.
6:4 Income growth, improved nutrition, access to health care, orphans housed, AIDS patients cared for, access to clean water, completion of primary education, and falling infant mortality rates are clear indicators of life improvement that can be [36] ( 1. less 2. readily 3. poorly) measured.
6:5 In fact, it is these exact statistics that show the failure of traditional “blind” giving.

■第12段落
12:1 Some people claim that if evolution is a useful (and, so far, correct) theory, we should still see it at work all around us in humans.
12:2 We do not.
12:3 But we can see it if we adopt a long enough time frame.
12:4 Mankind is believed to have been on this earth for about 100,000 years.

12:5 In that time there have been changes in people’s appearance, but those changes have occurred very slowly.
12:6 After all, 1,000 centuries is just a [18] (1. blank 2. blink 3. block) in geological time.
12:7 [19] (1. Besides 2.Therefore 3. However), the modern world has created an environment by means of public health measures, the reduction in crime rates, and improved levels of diet that have sharply reduced the environmental variation that is necessary to [20] (1. reconstruct 2. renew
3. reward) some genetic accidents and penalize others.
12:8 But 100,000 years from now, will the environment change so much that people who now have unusual characteristics will become the dominant group in society?
12:9 Maybe.

■第3段落
3:1 For a hundred thousand years, the manages invented nothing.
3:2 But they started to change, and developed skills which no other animal possessed.
3:3 The tools they had been programmed to use were simple enough, yet they could change this world and make the manages its masters.
3:4 The most [2](1. complicated 2. elegant 3. primitive) was the hand-held stone, that multiplied many-fold the power of a blow.
3:5 Then there was the bone club, that lengthened the [3](1. edge 2. reach 3. weight) and could provide a buffer against the fangs or claws of angry animals.
3:6 With these weapons, the limitless food that roamed the savannas was theirs to [4](1. come 2. make 3. Take).
3:7 They were no longer defenseless against the predators with whom they had to compete.
3:8 They could drive away the smaller carnivores;
3:9 the larger ones they could at least discourage from attacking, and sometimes put to flight.
3:10 But they needed other aids, for their teeth and nails could not readily dismember anything larger than a rabbit.
3:11 Luckily, nature had provided the ‘perfect’ tools, requiring only the wit to pick them up.

総合政策学部 2010 問1
■ 第2段落
2:1 No one is more [3] (1. indifferent to 2. suspicious of 3. susceptible to) an expert’s fear- mongering than a parent.
2:2 Fear is, in fact, a major component of the act of parenting.
2:3 A parent, after all, is the [4] (1. beneficiary 2. steward 3. successor) of another creature’s life, a creature who in the beginning is more helpless than the newborn of nearly any other species.
2:4 This leads a lot of parents to spend a lot of their parenting energy simply being scared.

総合政策学部 2013 問2、
■ 第4段落
4:1 As a result, most political ecologists tacitly cling to a “softer” form of constructivism, which holds that our concepts of reality are real and have force in the world but that they reflect incomplete, incorrect, biased and false understandings of an empirical reality.
4:2 In other words, the objective world is real and independent of our [37] (1. sophistication 2 categorization 3. cohabitation) but filtered through subjective conceptual systems and scientific methods that are socially conditioned.
4:3 [38](1 Within 2. Without 3. By) this approach to constructivism, there are differing emphases, which center attention either on people’s misunderstanding of objective facts or on the social biases that enter into scientific exploration.

■ 第8段落
8:1 This should be in no way surprising, ecologist Daniel Botkin Insists: Previous views of nature, either as an organic [44](1. food 2 element 3. whole) or as a divinely ordered house, clearly reflected the social languages available to those who sought to explain nature’s order.
8:2 So too, the history of primatology,* studied In careful detail by Donna Haraway, shows similar socially-bounded evolution; the changing topics of explorations and experiments on chimpanzees and gorillas (maternal instinct, aggression, competition) reflect the social concerns of their historical moment.
8:3 It reads more like a history of contemporary American culture than orderly evolution of animal ethology.

8:4 Our scientific ideas of nature inevitably reflect the social conditions and dominant metaphors in which they were formed.
8:5 This is not necessarily bad.
8:6 With changing metaphors come emerging ways of thinking about and [45] (1. reproducing 2. reinventing g 3. reaching) the world.
8:7 Science is not free of “social objects.”

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