環境情報学部 1,995 問1、
8:1 Finally, communication facilitates the maintenance of special relationships between individuals by making (14)(1. possible 2. available 3. relevant) information about the readiness of each to engage in certain activities.
8:2 The maintenance of individual relationships in cohesive groups is (15)(1.affirmed 2. tied 3. furthered) by communication, which keeps members aware both of the behaviour of associates whom they may not be able to see and of the readiness of associates to change their activities.
8:3 For example, vocal displays usually precede flight by a member of a resting family of geese, and the family then tends to depart as a unit.
8:4 Within some types of relationship, display behaviour also aides in (16)(1. eliciting 2. eliminating 3.preventing) general classes of responses; for example, offspring usually signal to arouse various forms of care-giving behaviour from their parents.
環境情報学部 1,995 問２
3:1 The word “liberal” may be used to describe either a type of constitution or the tendency of a political party.
3:2 A liberal constitution is characterized by the establishing of the rule of law, freedom of political organization, an independent judiciary, and a government (3)(1. irrelevant 2. responsive 3. opposed) to public opinion.
3:3 Within such a constitutional system, the word “liberal” generally describes the party or tendency that promotes change by constitutional means, as against the “conservative” tendency that generally opposes change and upholds inherited values.
17:1 The crucial case was that of France, where a series of reforming monarchs and ministers failed to make much impact up on the church and the aristocracy.
17:2 Finally, a violent revolution swept aside the ineffective Bourbon monarchy in (18) (1. place 2. favor 3. search) of the far more ruthless revolutionary and Napoleonic governments, which carried through the programs of the reformers much more successfully and which consequently achieved great military power.
17:3 Similar reforms in Germany during the 19th century also greatly increased military efficiency.
19:1 Many later intellectual developments have given impetus to the new liberalism.
19:2 First, toward the end of the 19th century, a compassionate sensibility developed among Europeans.
19:3 The old political concern with justice was jostled by a new concern with happiness, and political discussion concerned itself with classes of persons who were thought to have been deprived of happiness by the arrangements of society: slaves, prisoners, women, the poor, prostitutes, racial minorities, and so on.
19:4 (19)(1. Preoccupation with 2. Strength in 3. Ignorance of) such concerns led many persons in the 19th century from liberalism to socialism, which, in some forms, is a modified version of modern liberalism.
環境情報学部 1,996 問1、
5:1 Not unnaturally, psychologists and others have come increasingly to note that the qualities required of leaders cannot be defined in the abstract; they must, (14)(1. moreover 2. on the contrary 3. nevertheless), be related to the circumstances in which the leader emerges.
5:2 Leaders and their environment are so closely related that the question of the assessment of their role has become extremely difficult to undertake.
5:3 Here too, biographies have described the achievements of arge numbers of great rulers but are of little help in answering the question: how have leaders changed the course of history?
5:4 The question has become the subject of a major debate between those who emphasize “heroes” and those who (15)(1. interpret 2. live in 3. ignore) the past on the basis of broad economic and social trends in which leaders are mere symbols.
環境情報学部 1,996 問2、
3:1 Ritual and festival occur in modern cultures as separate events, but older religions integrate the calendrical rites we are (7)(1. following 2. combining 3. labeling) festival into the larger ritual cycle.
3:2 For this reason, much of the literature on religion, ritual, festival, fiesta, or carnival does not distinguish between the two related forms.
6:1 In the festival environment, principles of reversal, repetition, juxtaposition, condensation, and excess flourish, leading to communication and behavior that (11)(1. abides by 2. incorporates 3. contrasts with) everyday life.
6:2 These principles can be applied to every code in use for communication.
6:3 Repetition, for example, operates (12)(1. although 2. so that 3. unless) the sound of drums, fireworks, or singing voices may be continuous throughout an event, or the major visual symbol such as an image of a bear or the symbol of corn or the cowboy/gaucho may be shown in many circumstances.
9:1 Almost any theme selected by festival will be repeated in many codes, and most behaviors and actions can be found (17)(1. in excess 2. in a clear-cut fashion 3. in some special festivals).
9:2 Symbolic forms permit the communication of a larger quantity of cultural knowledge because symbols condense messages and carry multiple meanings, offering some ambiguity in meaning.
9:3 Among the most dramatic symbols associated with festival are masks and costumes.
9:4 They (18)(1. take off 2. keep out 3. draw upon) both the familiar and the strange but distinctly transform the human inside into a message bearer — carrying information that may be supernatural, exotic, or mysterious in nature.
3:1 One reason why the personal qualities required of a leader (6)(1.should 2. may 3. may not) be diverse is because leadership cannot be divorced from the environment within which it occurs.
3:2 The role of this environment is (7)(1. manifest 2. manifold 3. manipulative) in several ways.
3:3 To begin with, the personal qualities of leaders are personal only in the sense that these leaders happen to possess them: they may also be viewed as being in part the product of the environment, from the family in which the leaders grew up to the nation to which they belong.
3:4 But there are two other essential ways in which leadership is related to and indeed (8)(1. contends with 2. suspends from 3. depends on) the environment.
3:5 First, leadership is, usually at least, clearly connected to the holding of a particular position: a prime minister may exercise his or her leadership more or less successfully; in the first instance, however, the fact of being prime minister provides opportunities which others do not have.
3:6 The holder of such a post is expected to be a leader; other politicians and the population as a whole look to the head of the government for guidance.
3:7 What needs explanation is more why some prime ministers or presidents do not succeed in becoming real leaders, rather than why they succeed (9)(1. in doing it 2. in doing so 3. in being it).
3:8 Indeed, more generally, the institutional framework truly fashions the characteristics of leadership in that it provides opportunities to exercise power: the British prime minister, for example, has an easier task in this respect than the Italian prime minister, who heads a coalition government whose many components are more likely to rebel than to follow.
環境情報学部 1997 問1
4:1 It would be interesting to inquire why this process does not occur in the traditional arts, to ask why we can still understand that Rembrandt is better than his imitators.
4:2 It could be said that in the mass media it is not invention that dominates, but technical execution, which can be imitated and perfected.
4:3 But that isn’t the whole story.
4:4 For example, Wenders’ film Hammett is technically much more sophisticated than Huston’s classic The Maltese Falcon, and yet we follow the former with interest and the latter with religious devotion.
4:5 In other words, a system or a horizon of expectations operates in us, the audience.
4:6 When Wenders is as old as Huston, will we perhaps see his work with the same emotion?
4:7 I’m not up to (6) (1. be able to handle 2. handle 3. handling) here such tough questions.
4:8 But I believe that a certain innocence that we will always enjoy in The Maltese Falcon is already lost in Wenders.
4:9 Wenders’ film, unlike the Falcon, already moves in a universe where the lines are blurred, where it is hard to say that the Beatles are alien to the great musical tradition of the West, and where comic strips enter museums via pop art and museum art enters comic strips.
6:1 Our relationship with the mass media has also changed.
6:2 We must learn new instruction on how to (10) (1. react 2. refer 3. return) to the mass media.
6:3 Everything that was said in the 60s and 70s must be reexamined.
6:4 Then we were victims of a model of the mass media based on the relationship with authority, a centralized transmitter, with precise political and pedagogical plans.
6:5 The messages were sent through recognizable techno· logical channels such as TV, radio, and the magazine page, to the victims of ideological indoctrination.
6:6 We (11) (1. could 2. would 3. might) only have to teach the addressees, we thought, to “read” the messages, to criticize them, and perhaps we would attain the age of intellectual freedom and critical awareness.
12:1 Times have changed.
12:2 It used to be that we could blame the media for everything.
12:3 There was a guilty party.
12:4 (19)(1. Again 2. Because 3. Then) there were the virtuous voices that showed us who the criminals were.
12:5 Art offered alternatives for those who were not prisoners of the mass media.
12:6 Those days are gone forever and we have to start again from the beginning, asking one another what’s going (20) (1. on 2. to happen 3. to be happening) .
環境情報学部 1,997 問２
11:1 Some people seem to know what they want, and they seem to know equally clearly what they don’t want.
11:2 Their inner preferences tell them that one color doesn’t go with another, and that they don’t want wool clothing because it makes them itch, or that they dislike superficial sexual relations.
11:3 In contrast, other people seem to be empty, (16) (1. in contact 2. out of touch 3. in comparison) with their own inner signals.
11:4 They eat, defecate, and go to sleep by the clock’s cues, rather than by the cues of their own bodies.
11:5 They use external criteria for everything from choosing their food (“it’s good for you”) and clothing (“it’s in style”) to questions of values and ethics (“my daddy told me to”).
13:1 Schools should be helping people to look within themselves, and from this self-knowledge derive a set of values.
13:2 Yet values are not taught in our schools today.
13:3 This may be a (19)( 1. leftover 2. turnover 3. holdover) from the religious wars in which the church and the state were made separate and the rulers decided that the discussion of values would be the church’s concern, while the secular schools would concern themselves with other problems.
13:4 Perhaps it is just as (20) (1. good 2. well 3. fine) that our schools, with their grievous lack of a real philosophy and of suitably trained teachers, do not teach values.
環境情報学部 1998 問1
3:1 We will be able to do things with these rich electronic documents we could never do with pieces of paper.
3:2 The future net work’s powerful database technology will (4)(1. allow 2.replace 3. require) documents to be indexed and retrieved by means of interactive exploration.
3:3 It will be extremely cheap and easy to distribute them.
3:4 These new digital documents will replace many printed paper documents because they’ll be able to help us in new ways.
2:1 When you think of a “document,” you probably visualize one or more pieces of paper with print on them, but that’s a narrow definition.
2:2 A document can be any body of information.
2:3 A newspaper article is a document, but the broadest definition of the word includes a Web page, a TV show, a song, or an interactive video game.
2:4 Because all kinds of information can be stored in digital form, documents containing all kinds of information will get easier and easier to find, store, and send across a network.
2:5 Paper is more (2) (1. suitable 2. reliable 3. awkward) to store and transmit, and its content is pretty much limited to text with drawings and images.
2:6 A digitally stored document can be made (3) (1. out with 2. up with 3. up of) photos, video, audio, programming instructions for interactivity, animation, or a combination of these elements and others.
10:1 Imagination will be a key element in creating content for all new applications.
10:2 It isn’t enough just to re-create the real world.
10:3 Great movies are a lot more than just graphic depictions on film of real events.
10:3 It took a decade or so for such innovators as D.W. Griffith and Sergei Eisenstein to take the Vitascope and the Lumieres’ Cinematographer technology and (17) (1. make 2. figure 3. stand) out that motion pictures could do more than record real life or even a play.
10:4 Moving film was a new and dynamic art form, and the way it could engage an audience was very different from the way the theater could.
10:5 The pioneers saw this and invented movies as we know them today.
環境情報学部 1998 問2
3:1 In school, in the workplace, in learning an art or sport, we are· taught to fear, hide, or avoid mistakes. 3:2 But mistakes are of incalculable value to us.
3:3 There is first the value of mistakes as the raw material of learning.
3:4 If we don’t make mistakes, we are (3) (1. difficult 2. impossible 3. unlikely) to make anything at all.
3:5 Tom Watson, for many years the head of IBM, said, “Good judgment comes from experience.
3:6 Experience comes from bad judgment.”
3:7 But more important, mistakes and accidents can be the irritating grains that become pearls; they present us with unforeseen opportunities, they are (4) (1. fresh 2. ambitious 3. misleading) sources of inspiration in and of themselves.
3:8 We come to regard our obstacles as ornaments, as opportunities to be exploited and explored.
15:1 Life throws at us innumerable irritations that can be mobilized for pearl making, including all the irritating people who come (18) (1. on our 2. our 3. on the) way.
15:2 Occasionally we are stuck with a petty tyrant who makes our life hell.
15:3 Sometimes these situations, while miserable at the time, cause us to sharpen, focus, and mobilize our inner resources in the most surprising ways.
15:4 We become, then, no longer victims of circumstance, but able to use circumstance as the vehicle of creativity.
15:5 This is the well-known principle of jujitsu, taking your opponent’s blows and using their own energy to deflect them to your advantage.
15:6 When you fall, you raise yourself by pushing against the spot where you fell.
環境情報学部 1,999 問２
2:1 Science considers anthropomorphism toward animals a grave mistake, even a sin.
2:2 It is common in science to speak of “committing” anthropomorphism.
2:3 The term originally was religious, referring to the (1)(1. modifying 2. shaping 3.assigning) of human form or characteristics to God — the hierarchical error of acting as though the merely human could be (2)(1. divine 2. secular 3. religious) — hence the connotation of sin.
2:4 In the long article on anthropomorphism in the 1908 Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, the author (Frank B. Jevons) writes: “The tendency to (3)(1. personify 2. imitate 3. create) objects — whether objects of sense or objects of thought — which is found in animals and children as well as in savages, is the origin of anthropomorphism.”
2:5 Men, the idea goes, create gods in their own image.
2:6 The best-known example of this tendency comes from the Greek author Xenophanes (fifth century B.C.).
2:7 He notes that Ethiopians represent the gods as black, Thracians depict them as blue-eyed and red-haired, and “if oxen and horses … had hands and could paint” their images of gods would depict oxen and horses.
2:8 The philosopher Ludwig Feuerbach concluded that God is nothing but our (4)(1. injection 2. projection 3. introspection), on a celestial screen, of the essence of man.
2:9 In science, the sin against hierarchy is to assign human characteristics to animals.
2:10 Just as humans could not be like God, now animals cannot be like humans (note who has taken God’s place).
4:1 To accuse a scientist of anthropomorphism is to make a severe criticism of unreliability.
4:2 It is regarded as a species-confusion, a forgetting of the line between subject and object.
4:3 To assign thoughts or feelings to a creature known incapable of them would, indeed, be a problem.
4:4 But to ascribe to an animal emotions such as joy or sorrow is only anthropomorphic error if one knows that animals cannot feel such emotions.
4:5 Many scientists have made this decision, but not on the basis of evidence.
4:6 The situation is not so much that emotion is denied but that it is regarded as too dangerous — such a minefield of (8)(1. relativity 2. objectivity 3.subjectivity) that no investigation of it should take place.
4:7 As a result, all but the most prominent scientists (9)(1. obtain 2. risk 3. establish) their reputations and credibility in venturing into this area.
4:8 Thus many scientists may actually believe that animals have emotions, but be unwilling not only to say that they believe it, but unwilling to study it or encourage their students to investigate it.
4:9 They may also (10)(1. defend 2. attack 3. copy) other scientists who try to use the language of the emotions.
4:10 Nonscientists who seek to retain scientific credibility must tread carefully.
4:11 An administrator at one internationally known animal training institute remarked, “We don’t take a position on whether animals have emotions, but I’m sure if you talked to any one of us we’d say ‘Sure they have emotions.’
4:12 But as an organization we would not want to be (11)(1. depicted 2. anticipated 3. rejected) as saying they have emotions.”
5:1 From the belief that anthropomorphism is a desperate error, a sin or a disease, flow further research (12)(1.taboos 2. incentives 3. interests), including rules that dictate use of language.
5:2 A monkey cannot be angry; it exhibits aggression.
5:3 A crane does not feel affection; it (13)1.conceals 2. displays 3. prohibits) courtship or parental behavior.
5:4 A cheetah is not frightened by a lion; it shows flight behavior.
5:5 In keeping with this, Frans de Waal’s use of the word reconciliation in reference to chimpanzees who come together after a fight has been criticized: Wouldn’t it be more objective to say “first postconflict contact”?
5:6 In the struggle to be objective, this kind of language employs distance and the refusal to (14)(1. maneuver 2. manage 3. identify) with another creature’s pain.
6:1 Against this scientific orthodoxy, the biologist Julian Huxley has argued that to imagine oneself into the life of another animal is both scientifically (15)(1. avoidable 2. predictable 3. justifiable) and productive of knowledge.
6:2 Huxley introduced one of the most extraordinary accounts of a deep and emotional tie between a human being and a free-living lioness, Joy Adamson’s Living Free, as follows:
6:3 When people like Mrs.Adamson (or Darwin for that matter) interpret an animal’s gestures or postures with the aid of psychological terms — anger or curiosity, affection or jealousy — the strict behaviorist (16)1. relieves 2. deprives 3. accuses) them of anthropomorphism, of seeing a human mind at work within the animal’s skin.
6:4 This is not necessarily so.
6:5 The true ethologist* must be evolution-minded.
6:6 After all, he is a mammal.
6:7 To give the fullest possible interpretation of behavior he must have (17)(1. recourse 2. resistance 3. immunity) to a language that will apply to his fellow-mammals as well as to his fellow- man.
6:8 And such a language must employ subjective as well as objective terminology — fear as well as impulse to flee, curiosity as well as exploratory urge, maternal solitude in all its modulations in welcome addition to goodness knows what complication of behaviorist terminology.
8:1 The real problem underlying many of the criticisms of anthropomorphism is actually anthropocentrism.
8:2 Placing humans at the center of all interpretation, observation, and concern, and dominant men at the center of that, has led to some of the worst errors in science, whether in astronomy, psychology, or animal behavior.
8:3 Anthropocentrism treats animals as (18)(1. superior 2. inferior 3. compatible) forms of people and denies what they really are.
8:4 It reflects a passionate wish to (19)(1. differentiate 2. alienate 3. dismiss) ourselves from animals, to make animals other, presumably in order to maintain humans at the top of the evolutionary hierarchy and the food chain.
8:5 The notion that animals are wholly other from humans, despite our common ancestry, is more
(20) (1. likely 2. rational 3. irrational) than the notion that they are like us.
9:1 Once I was preparing for a full evening poetry performance, with multiscreen slide projections and electronic music I had composed on tape for the occasion.
9:2 But in the course of overrehearsing during the preceding week, I managed to give myself a case of laryngitis, and woke up the morning of the performance with a ruined voice and a high fever.
9:3 I was (9) (1. ready 2. forced 3. obliged) to cancel, but in the end decided that would be no fun.
9:4 Instead I dropped my attachment to my music and preempted the sound system for use as a public address system.
9:5 I sat in an old wicker wheelchair and croaked into a microphone.
9:6 My soft, spooky, obsessive, guttural voice, amplified, became an instrument of qualities that totally surprised me, releasing me to find a hitherto unsuspected depth in my own poetic line.
環境情報学部 2,000 問1、
3:1 El Niño, Spanish for ‘the child’ (and specifically the Christ child), is the name Peruvian fishermen gave to coastal sea temperature (1. silence 2. coldness 3. warmings) that first appeared around Christmas time.
3:2 Now El Niño more generally refers to a warming of the tropical Pacific basin that occurs roughly  (1. every 2. any 3. some) three to seven years in association with a weakening of the trade winds.
3:3 The opposite side of El Niño, La Niña, is characterized by stronger-than-normal trade winds and unusually cold sea-surface temperatures in the tropical Pacific.
3:4 Both El Niño and La Niña are  (1. disrupted 2. exchanged 3. accompanied) by swings in atmospheric pressure between the eastern and western Pacific.
3:5 These swings are known as the Southern Oscillation.
3:6 These phenomena are collectively  (1. preferred 2. referred to 3. gathered) as ENSO or El Niño/Southern Oscillation.
3:7 At the moment, a strong La Niña is evident in the tropical Pacific, with several (but not all) forecast models predicting a return to  (1. abnormal 2. formal 3. normal) by the end of 1999.
4:1 The general mechanisms underlying ENSO involve large-scale ocean-atmosphere interactions and equatorial ocean dynamics.
4:2 But each El Niño and La Niña is unique in the (1. combination 2. division 3. category) of its strength, duration and pattern of development.
4:3 Irregularity in the ENSO cycle can be seen both in the record dating back to the middle of the last century, and in other supporting data, such as lake sediments*, coral growth rings and tree rings, going back hundreds or (1. less 2. more 3. even)thousands of years.
4:4 So, in principle, it should not be surprising that an unusually strong El Niño occurs every so often.
環境情報学部 2,000 問2
2:1 When the photograph first appeared, it accompanied a story of the famine that has once again  (1. moved 2. solved 3. resulted from) political violence and the chaos of civil war in the southern Sudan.
2:2 The Times’ self-congratulatory account fails to adequately evoke the image’s shocking effect.
2:3 The child is  (1. much 2. hardly 3. a little) larger than an infant; she is naked; she appears bowed over in weakness and sickness, incapable, it would seem,  (1. from 2. of 3. for) moving; she is unprotected.
2:4 No mother, no family, no one is present to prevent her from being attacked by the vulture, or succumbing to starvation and then being eaten.
2:5 The image suggests that she has been abandoned.
2:7 The reader again is led to imagine various  ( 1. scenarios 2. styles 3. collections) of suffering: she has been lost in the chaos of forced uprooting; her family has died ; she has been deserted
near death in order for her mother to  ( 1. keep up with 2 .get rid of 3. hold on to) more viable children.
2:8 The image’s great success is that it causes the reader to want to know more.
2:9 Why is this innocent victim of civil war and famine unprotected?
2:10 The vulture embodies danger and evil, but the greater dangers and real forces of evil are not in the “natural world”; they are in the political world,  (1. including 2. predicting 3. speaking of) those nearby in army uniforms or in government offices in Khartoum.
2:11 Famine has become a political strategy in the Sudan.
3:1 The photograph has been  (1. taken 2. kept back 3. reprinted) many times, and it has been duplicated in advertisements for a number of nongovernmental aid agencies that are raising funds to provide food to refugees.
3:2 This is a classic instance of the use of moral sentiment to mobilize support for social action.
3:3 One  (1. should appreciate 2. cannot look at 3. will evaluate) this picture without wanting to do something to protect the child and drive the vulture away, or, as one aid agency puts it, to prevent other children from succumbing in the same heartlessly inhuman way by giving a donation.
8:1 Another effect of the world’s political and economic appropriation of images of such serious forms of suffering at a distance is that it has desensitized the viewer.
8:2 Viewers are overwhelmed by the sheer number of brutal massacres.
8:3 There is too much to see, and there appears to be too much to do anything about.
8:4 Thus, our epoch’s dominating sense that complex problems can be neither understood nor fixed  (1. strikes 2. works 3. conflicts) with the massive globalization of images of suffering to produce moral fatigue, exhaustion of empathy, and political despair.
環境情報学部 2,001 問1、
4:1 What does this have to do with the mystery of child language acquisition?
4:2 If we knew that our ancestors developed language through cognition and learning, then it  (1. denies 2. follows 3. proves) that modern human children probably do the same thing.
4:3 Children must use the same  (1. applications 2. rules 3. strategies) to learn language — observation, imitation, and play — that they use to learn other skills, like tying their shoes or playing the piano.
4:4 Language, of course, is more complicated than shoe tying and more universal than piano playing, so somewhere along the  (1. avenue 2. way 3. street) humans must have developed a specialized way of learning in order to acquire language.
10:1 Supporters of the “language organ” theory still try to (1. reject 2. Support 3. reconcile) Chomsky’s theory with Charles Darwin’s theory of evolution.
10:2 They argue that complex organs — the eye, for example — arise through an evolutionary process of natural selection.
10:3 This is true, but organs such as the eye emerge over tens of millions of years not over a mere six million years.
10:4 When it comes to closely related species that have recently descended from a common ancestor, one of them can’t possibly have enough time to develop an entirely new biological system.
10:5 For example, if the African elephant has a trunk, you expect to find a trunk on its relative, the Indian elephant.
10:6 The human and the chimpanzee descended from a common ancestor even more recently than the two elephant species.
10:7 Finding a language organ in humans but not in chimps would be like finding a trunk on only one of the elephants.
11:1 From the viewpoint of biologists, this has always been the problem with the language acquisition device.
11:2 Whenever we study  (1.account for 2. discount 3. calculate) its evolutionary development from ancestral species.
11:3 Linguists, however, did not consider evolutionary constraints.
11:4 They simply assumed a discontinuity between humans and apes and worked on the assumption that human language stood  (1. outside 2. inside 3. beside) the animal kingdom.
11:5 To Chomsky, human language bore no relation to any other form of animal communication.
環境情報学部 2,001 問2、
4:1 Rachel Carson’s classic 1963 books Silent Spring (1. announced 2. alerted 3. altered) the public to the toxic side effects sofa insecticides, such as DDT, that had fueled the green revolution.
4:2 Traces of these chemicals were found to persist in the food chain, reaching higher (1. worries 2. concentrations 3. weights), and hence having more severe effects, at successive levels in the food chain.
4:3 They were identified as the cause of rapid population decline in birds of prey, such as falcons and hawks, through the thinning of eggshells.
4:4 The offending chemicals have now been (1. phased out 2. accumulated 3. retained) in the United Kingdom and many other countries, but their use is still increasing in some parts of the world.
5:1 The new losses in biodiversity are sometimes called the “second Silent Spring.”
5:2 However, although they are (1. comparable 2. concerned 3. associated) with the intensification and industrialization of agriculture, they involve more subtle and indirect effects than the poisoning of wildlife by insecticides.
5:3 In general terms, intensification refers to making the greatest possible proportion of primary production available for human consumption.
5:4 To the (1. area 2. amount 3. extent) that this is achieved, the rest of nature is bound to suffer.
7:1 The changes in British agriculture over the past 30 years, which have many parallels with other parts of the world, have sought to increase production and productivity.
7:2 The success of the green revolution in achieving this is undeniable.
7:3 In spite of rapid population growth, about 25% more food per person is produced now than 30 years ago.
7:4 However, the need to conserve wildlife (1. in comparison with 2. in opposition to 3. in harmony with) agriculture is beginning to be recognized.
7:5 Reforms have been proposed that will reduce the incentive for production and allow other important considerations, such as environmental benefits, to come into play.
7:6 But the proposals as they stand are (1. totally clear 2. virtually silent 3. completely sound) about what environmental benefits are expected and how they will be achieved.
10:1 On a larger scale, there are unresolved questions for conservation ecology about the (1. moral values 2. policy decisions 3. relative merits) of a less intensive, more environmentally friendly agriculture throughout the countryside on the Eastern European model versus a highly intensive agriculture in breadbasket regions with separate, large nature reserves on the North American model.
10:2 The United Kingdom is probably too small for the North American model, but one could imagine some form of it on a Europe wide basis, especially if reduced subsidies were to make agricultural production (1. unresponsive 2. unrealized 3.uneconomic) in some areas, and instead conservation were to be subsidized.
環境情報学部 2002 問1、
4:1 In the University of Chicago surveys, three in ten Americans say they are very happy, for example.
4:2 Only one in ten chooses the most negative description, “not too happy.”
majority (1. choose 2. describe 3. Survey) themselves as “pretty happy.”
4:4 The few exceptions to global reports of reasonable happiness include hospitalized alcoholics, new psychotherapy clients and people living under conditions of economic and political oppression.
環境情報学部 2002 問2
2:1 Recently, Dr. Gyllensten of the University of Uppsala in Sweden and his colleagues have conducted the most thorough analysis yet of diversity in human mitochondrial DNA*.
2:2 The results support the (1. view 2. process 3. nature) that modern humans originated in Africa.
2:3 The analysis of mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) has become an important tool in this debate on human evolution.
2:4 This is (1. due to 2. created by 3.made from) the fact that mtDNA is inherited solely from the mother and does not change as much as cellular DNA from generation to generation, and therefore can offer evidence of human mitochondrial lineages*.
4:1 Our closest living relatives are African apes, so why is an African origin for modern humans  (1. advantageous 2. discovered 3. controversial)?
4:2 The reason is that our immediate ancestors, now extinct, are known to have wandered out of Africa as early as two million years ago.
4:3 The (1 .main 2. complex 3. typical) alternative to a model of an African origin is a multiregional model that holds that modern humans arose simultaneously in Africa, Europe and Asia from these ancestors.
4:4 Proponents of this view argue that the fossil record indicates transitions between, for example, Neanderthals (H. neanderthalensis*) and modern humans in Europe, and between H. erectus* and modern humans in Asia.
4:5 (1. Clearly 2. Therefore 3.However), the existence of non-African traditional fossils is debatable, and there is genetic evidence that Neanderthals did not widely interbreed with modern humans even though the two coexisted for at least 10,000 years.
4:6 Such coexistence is good evidence for recognizing the two as Separate species.
総合政策学部 1995 問1
4:1 One very common practice in extremely sexist societies has been much stricter control over women’s sexuality than over men’s (6) (1. economic power 2. sexuality 3. political influence).
4:2 This has been done in order to ensure “proper” paternity, which in turn is linked to the intergenerational transmission of property from father to son.
4:3 It takes an extreme form such as purdah (the total seclusion of women in Hindu and Islamic tradition) or milder forms such as chaperoning unmarried women, (7) (1. painting 2. covering 3. washing) women’s bodies and faces almost entirely, or simply a double standard that punishes women (either alone or more harshly than men) who lose their virginity premarital or commit adultery.
4:4 The ideological justification often stresses women’s extreme sexuality and the diversion from duty this supposedly creates for men.
4:5 Left unchecked, female sexuality would presumably constitute a danger to the social collectivity.
4:6 In such cases the image of females is sharply bifurcated: the pure, virginal, or chaste woman who conforms to religious and social strictures (the lady) versus the polluted whore like temptress, the fallen woman who has rebelled against God and society.
4:7 There is no counterpart bifurcation of males on the basis of sexuality.
4:8 Language often reflects this phenomenon by producing a vast terminology of “dirty words” to refer to women who step (8) (1. out of sight 2. out of hand 3. out of bounds) and more generally to specific parts of the female anatomy.
4:9 Women are thus defined essentially on the basis of their sexuality and sexual conduct, resulting in the irony that in attempting to repress female sexuality women are made into sexual objects.
4:10 Moreover, when the repressive aspect is removed the objectification does not quickly disappear, as manifested by contemporary advertising and pornography.
5:1 Extensive control over women by men may result for many women in traits of passivity, childlike dependence, and the inability to function as responsible adults.
5:2 (9) (1. At last 2. At best 3. At the very least) women come to be stereotyped in this manner.
5:3 In turn, such traits and or stereotypes further suggest the “need” for male domination.
5:4 Denied the opportunity to become responsible and independent, women come to be defined as fit only for the domestic role, which is relatively devalued in surplus producing societies.
5:5 On this basis women become objectified in a second way.
5:6 To the extent that they conform to their domestic role and behave in a proper manner sexually, they may be admired, even (10) (1. worshipped 2. ridiculed 3. Despised), but only as idealized mothers, a role nature has ostensibly created them for.
7:1 (14) (1. Concerning 2. Regardless of 3. Besides) standards of judgment, male assumptions about the world, male definitions, and male perceptions of what constitute problems all become synonymous with “reality.”
7:2 Western science has provided numerous examples of how sexism intrudes to shape even the ostensibly most objective type of cultural production.
7:3 For example, in the seventeenth century European scientists defined sperm as carrying a miniature fetus; the female provided only the environment for its growth.
7:4 The resulting (15) (1. child 2. wife 3. woman) “obviously” belonged to the father.
7:5 As (male) medical doctors took over childbirth from (female) midwives in the nineteenth century, pregnancy and parturition became increasingly defined as a problem, even a kind of illness; after all, physicians do not treat normal events.
7:6 Until about 1970 anthropologists largely ignored women’s extensive contributions to the food supplies of preliterate societies, developing theories based on the centrality of male hunting to the survival of families and (16) ( 1. cities 2. industry 3. societies).
7:7 Sigmund Freud and his followers defined masochism, passivity, and narcissism as normal female traits and developed a theory to explain women’s innately inferior conscience.
7:8 Psychologist Carol Gilligan has demonstrated that males and females employ basically (17) (1. possible 2. similar 3. different) notions of moral behavior.
7:9 The former tend to base morality on abstract principles, the latter on a (18) (1. concern with 2. interpretation of 3. familiarity with) concrete relationships.
7:10 Yet the field of psychology has assumed that the masculine approach is synonymous with the general concept of moral behavior and that therefore females are less moral.
7:11 Work has been defined by economists and sociologists in terms of the labor force, ignoring the domestic labor of homemakers and (19) (1. implying 2. employing 3. inferring) that they do not “work.”
総合政策学部 1,995 問2
2:1 Much of the early rule formation arose directly out of argumentation, for it had been necessary to develop more regular procedures for settling disputes.
2:2 For example, the 1846 rules of rugby were (5) (1. complete 2. not exhaustive 3.closed) rules of procedure, covering all aspects of the sport, but, in point of fact, were little more than decisions of certain disputed points.
2:3 Things were not settled once-and for all when the various self-appointed rule makers had codified their decisions into proper systems of rules.
2:4 Disputes were still liable to arise, especially as tactics and styles developed.
2:5 In fact, the administrators of all sports need to monitor the rules, in order to make certain that the delicate balances between attack and defense, between vigor and dullness, and so on, are maintained.
2:6 If the authorities (6) (1. succeed in 2. tackle with 3. fail in) this task, the new developments, which are so necessary if a game is to continue to be interesting, can so easily upset the balances on which all sports depend.
2:7 Within every sport there will be individuals or lobbies who will (7) (1. deny 2. announce 3. support) that the change would lead to improvement.
2:8 The continual monitoring of rules ensures that the process of rule formulation is never ended.
4:1 There is a general point which does not concern the details of that unhappy cricket tour, and which is not even restricted to the world of sport.
4:2 The (13) (1. more specific 2. more ambiguous 3. wider) issue is the close connection between lawmaking and argumentation.
4:3 Laws may exist to resolve disputes, but they are created out of dispute, frequently at the cost of provoking further Argument.
4:4 A simple syllogism might illustrate this: if there are lawyers, there will be arguments; therefore, if there are laws, there will be arguments.
4:5 This same general point is better expressed in Plato’s Republic, which looked forward to the creation of a well-ordered state.
4:6 The citizenry of this ideal republic would obey the states rationally founded laws without dispute.
4:7 Such a perfect state, in the interests of maintaining its ordered harmony, would need to (14) (1. dispense with 2. formulate 3. abide by) laws about trivia such as contracts made in the market and contracts for manufacture, questions of slander and assault, the lodging of legal actions and empaneling of juries, exaction and payment of market or harbor dues and the general business of regulating business and police and harbor charges and other similar matters.
4:8 If laws were formulated on such minor matters, then the citizenry would waste their whole time making and correcting detailed regulations, with the result that harmonious order would (15) (1. naturally follow 2. never be achieved 3. often be guaranteed) .
4:9 Sextons Empirics blamed the rhetoricians, rather than the existence of laws, for argumentation.
4:10 He noted that among the barbarians there were no rhetoricians, and the laws remained unaltered and generally obeyed, whereas amongst those who cultivate rhetoric they are altered daily, as is the case with the Athenians.
4:11 We could add that the “barbarians” Sextus Empiricus had in mind would not have codified their laws with the precision of the legislative bodies presiding over modern bat and ball games.
5:1 The close links between rules and arguments can be illustrated by considering a culture which has formalized its rules of everyday behavior to an unequalled extent.
5:2 The Talmud, containing the rules of Orthodox Judaism, specifies in detail what correct actions for every aspect of daily life are.
5:3 Even the most trivial action must be performed in a sanctified manner to prevent godlessness from (16) (1. entering into 2. ruling over 3. opening up) everyday routines.
5:4 The novelist Jorge Luis Borges, in his story The Zahir, describes the Talmud as having “codified every conceivable human eventuality.”
5:5 This is (17) (1. an accurate description 2. a general conclusion 3. an exaggerated description), for the continuation of Talmudic debates shows that the complete codification is unattained but aimed for.
5:6 The Talmud represents a self-produced anthropology, explaining to orthodox Jews the meaning of their rituals in a detail which the professional anthropologist, seeking the unwritten rules of social life, can only admire.
5:7 Just as the behavior of game players is meaningless without knowledge of the rules of the game, so the customs of orthodox Jews are incomprehensible without the Talmud.
5:8 However, this great code of behavior, which seeks to leave (18) (1. nothing to chance 2. a lot to be desired 3. much room to debate) but dictates detailed rule following, is principally a record of arguments.
5:9 From its opening page, through its sixty or so volumes of tractates, it describes the arguments of the ancient rabbis, as they disputed their interpretations of the Holy Law.
5:10 Every pronouncement is a subject of argument, and, as Heiman has shown in his account of modern Talmudic study groups, even today the Orthodox learn the rules by (19) ( 1. abandoning 2. reliving 3.authorizing) the ancient arguments.
5:11 All in all, the Talmud represents not merely one of the most detailed codes of behavior ever produced, but is also one of the greatest collections of arguments in literature.
総合政策学部 1996 問2、
2:1 If we reject the notion that the meaning is in the text, are we (3) (1. opposed 2. reduced 3. prohibited) to saying only that a particular person at a particular moment had a particular interpretation?
2:2 If so, have we given up a naive but solid-seeming view of the reality of the meaning of the text in (4)(1. favor 2. spite 3. terms) of a relativistic appeal to individual subjective reaction?
総合政策学部 1,997 問1、
1:1 In a broad sense, human migration is a relatively permanent movement of an individual or a group over a significant distance.
1:2 Although the significance of a distance is usually measured geographically, it can also be determined by social criteria.
1:3 For example, a farmer who moves to a city apartment within the same County probably changes his life more ［1］(1. minimally 2. gradually 3. drastically) than does a person who moves from an apartment in New York to one in San Francisco.
1:4 Taking into account short moves that are socially significant, most analysts agree that a migration must include at least a relatively permanent change of community.
1:5 Movements that involve only a temporary change of residence are generally considered nonmigratory.
1:6 These include nomadism, for the nomad has no fixed home, and seasonal movements, ［2］(1. as in the case of 2. unlike 3. aside from) farm workers who follow the growing season.
1:7 Tourism and commuting also are nonmigratory.
総合政策学部 1,997 問２
2:1 Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart is known the world over (1) (1. for 2. as 3. being) a musical genius, and was recognized as such even in his own day.
2:2 The English journal, Philosophical Transactions, carried an article written by Daines Barrington in 1770, after he had personally tested young Wolfgang’s musical skills (2)(1. for 2. with 3. in) reading, memory, and musical improvisation.
15:1 As a result of extensive research on gulls, we now know that hatchling gulls do respond to modules and abstractions.
15:2 They peck preferentially at long and skinny objects, red things, and regions of markedly contrasting colors.
15:3 As an effect of this simplified modularity, they hit the spot at the tip of the parental bill the only red region at the end of a long object, in an area of contrasting color with surrounding yellow.
15:4 Complex totality may be beyond the cognitive capacity of a hatchling gull, but any rich object can be broken down to simpler components and then (18) (1. built up 2. destroyed 3. put aside) .
15:5 Any developing complexity — whether in the cognitive growth of an individual or the evolution of a lineage — may require this principle of construction from modules.
総合政策学部 1,998 問1、
2:1 Alice was the admissions officer’s dream.
2:2 She was easily admitted to our graduate program.
2:3 She came with (1) (1. average 2. stellar 3. satisfactory) test scores, outstanding college grades, excellent letters of recommendation, and, overall, close to a perfect record.
2:4 Alice proved to be more or less what her record promised.
2:5 She had excellent critical and analytical abilities, which earned her outstanding grades during her first two years at our school.
2:6 When it came to taking tests and writing papers, she (2) (1. had no peer 2. had no help 3. was popular) among her classmates.
2:7 But after the first two years, Alice no longer looked quite so outstanding.
2:8 In our graduate program, as in most, emphasis shifts after the first couple of years.
2:9 It is not enough just to criticize other people’s ideas or to study concepts that other people have proposed.
2:10 You must (3) (1. not rely on 2. begin reviewing 3. start coming up with) your own ideas and figuring out ways of implementing them.
2:11 Alice’s synthetic abilities were far inferior to her analytic ones.
2:12 But there was no way of knowing this from the evidence available in the admissions folder, for
(4) (1. although 2. however 3. whenever) conventional measures can give us a good reading on analytic abilities, they give virtually no assessment of synthetic abilities.
2:13 Thus, Alice was “IQ test” smart, but not equally (5)（1. discreet 2. disciplined 3. distinguished)
in the synthetic, or practical, areas of intelligence.
8:1 The (13) (1. convergence 2. divergence 3. incompatibility) of my analysis of the research literature and my personal experience convinced me that what was needed was a “triarchic” theory of human intelligence — one that did justice to each of these three aspects of intelligence.
8:2 It is important to mention that my goal in constructing the tribrachic theory was quite (14) (1. contrary to 2. interchangeable with 3. compatible with) that of most psychologists who have developed theories of intelligence.
8:3 The field has been (15)1. Exceptionally focused 2. Notoriously contentious 3. Unusually harmonious), with every theorist setting out to prove that his theory is right and everyone else’s is wrong.
8:4 For example, Arthur Jensen argues for the predominance of a single, general factor in human intelligence, while Howard Gardner maintains that there are at least seven or eight multiple intelligences.
8:5 For me, the most disturbing element of these and other opposing theorists has been that while they have done reasonably well in (16) (1. amassing 2. refuting 3. responding to) evidence to support their own point of view, they have generally failed to disprove the views of others.
8:6 How could this be?
8:7 After reviewing earlier theories, I came to the conclusion that the reason for this was that virtually all of them have been (17)(1. inaccurate 2. incomplete 3. inconsistent).
8:8 Though proposed as full theories of intelligence, each has dealt with only some limited aspects.
8:9 Often, too, these theories have proved to be complementary rather than contradictory, as might be expected.
8:10 It is not difficult to show that a theory of general intelligence and the theory of multiple intelligences can be (18) (1. infused 2. installed 3. integrated) in a hierarchical framework, with general intelligence at the top of the hierarchy and multiple intelligences lower down.
8:11 More specific abilities would then be viewed as sub-abilities.
8:12 The point to be made, then, is that often the competition among theorists has been (19) (1. fierce 2. spurious 3. accommodating).
8:13 Their theories are really theories of different aspects of intelligence.
5:1 Just how would you characterize the similarities and differences among Alice, Barbara, and Celia?
5:2 Clearly, all are exceedingly intelligent, though in very different ways.
5:3 People like Alice excel in traditional academic, or analytic, intelligence.
5:4 To the extent that intelligence is measured by (8)（1. conventional 2. genetic 3. creative) factors or information processing components, by its relationship to the internal world, Alice and individuals like her would be considered very, very smart.
5:5 Individuals like Barbara, on the other hand, do not appear nearly so intelligent by such ordinary standards.
5:6 Where they excel is in their synthetic ability, the ability to deal with novelty — to view new things in old ways or old things in new ways.
5:7 Hence Barbara’s intelligence, and that of others like her, becomes truly apparent (9) (1. unless
2. even though 3. only if) it is viewed in terms of the relationship of intelligence to experience, particularly novel experience.
5:8 People like Celia have neither Alice’s nor Barbara’s pattern of strength.
5:9 Instead, they excel in terms of the relationship between intelligence and the external world of the individual.
5:10 Their excellence resides in their practical intelligence — the ability to apply their mental abilities to (10) (1. novel 2. unusual 3. every day) situations.
5:11 Their street smarts are not measured by typical tests but quickly show up in their performance in real-world settings.
総合政策学部 1,998 問2、
4:1 The deliberate visual recording of language means not only a search for words but a search for genres.
4:2 Oral discourse, even when not informal, often trails off into another activity, being punctuated by a drink of water, a mouthful of food, the rustle of paper, the closing of a door, or, in other words, by another nonlinguistic activity.
4:3 Written composition, however, has to have a formal beginning and an end; “Dear Christine” is completed by “Yours sincerely, Stephen,” (7) (1. put out 2. put forward 3. laid out) in a particular format, with the specification of place and date.
4:4 Apart from the letter, there is a gamut of genres from the report to the passport, as well as the literary genres ranging from the novel to the poem.
4:5 These developments appear gradually over time, but eventually not only each composition but each subunit (8) (1. takes after 2. takes on 3. takes in) a specific form each topic requires a paragraph, each sentence a capital letter and full stop, each word its break.
4:6 Syntax and punctuation become more precise and more formal as a result of becoming visual.
4:7 Part of the reason behind these changes is that whereas speech (9) (1. operates as 2. addresses 3. defines) one of the channels in face-to-face communication, writing as a register stands on its own.
4:8 It is “decontextualized,” or rather the context is highly (10) (1. restricted 2. redundant 3. reserved).
4:9 Hence, clarity of expression and precision of genre, syntax, and punctuation are encouraged by the visual representation of language.
7:1 Literacy not only encourages such deliberate perusal of the text, it also makes possible the opposite, that is, the highly (16) (1. holistic 2. haphazard 3. Selective) forms of retrieval that are involved in consulting a dictionary (or even a library), as well as the skipping and the speed reading that takes place when we read a detective story rather than a poem.
7:2 The potential results of such procedures are vital to the growth of knowledge.
7:3 In the first place, the deliberate perusal of a text facilitates the search for inconsistencies, for contradictions, while the ability to set side by side different texts referring to the same events or notions leads to the (17)(1. reconsideration 2. cultivation 3. evaluation) of criticism and of skepticism.
7:4 It allows not only for criticism of the texts but also their further elaboration by commentary, which can (18) (1. in this respect 2. in its turn 3. as it turns out) be stored away for future reference, leading to the building up of libraries of stored knowledge.
7:5 These libraries encapsulate objective knowledge in the sense that this information has become theoretically (19) (1. inaccessible to 2. associated with 3. independent of)specific human teachers.
総合政策学部 1,999 問２
2:1 Recent experimental work with butterflies has (1)（1. borne out 2. taken out 3. washed out) Darwin’s suspicions of more than a century ago that species tend to evolve attributes and behaviors that enhance courtship — and thus reproductive success.
2:2 Some traits might render an individual more attractive to the opposite sex.
2:3 Color is now known to spark sexual interest for some species in the butterfly world, as do other sensory signals that were (2) (1. beyond 2. against 3. within) Darwin’s human perception.
2:4 But the creatures are more discerning than this observation might suggest.
2:5 Ostentatious coloration or scent may do more than attract attention.
2:6 Appearance and aroma may be shorthand notations of their bearer’s health and heartiness.
総合政策学部 2,000 問1
8:1 I always think of the longevity of the lecture method (1. in use 2. in demand 3. in style) in most universities.
8:2 In the 15th century, just before the invention of the machine-made book, a professor had the only manuscript of an author’s work.
8:3 So of course, lecturing made sense.
8:4 In the first fifty years after the invention of printing, more than eight million books were printed.
8:5 You would think that the lecture method would have disappeared.
8:6 (1.When 2. Why 3. Where) should we have a professor standing in front of a group of students who could all read the same book that the professor had?
8:7 The odd thing is that at New York University, this (1. one 2. very 3. only) day, probably 95% of the instruction is through the lecture method.
8:8 So I have to ask why, after 500 years, were still using a method that ought to have become obsolete through technological development.
10:1 Kay: It’s possible that the label “distance learning” is a bit misleading.
10:2 To me, most of the real learning that happens doesn’t happen in a social situation.
10:3 That’s only where you find out about things.
10:4 Real learning happens when you go off and (1. try out 2. hold out 3. take out)these new models that you are trying to build in order to comprehend ideas that you haven’t been able to deal with before.
10:5 To me, almost all real learning is a kind of distance learning.
10:6 Your (1. more or less 2. more and more 3. more than less) off by yourself.
総合政策学部 2,000 問２
10:1 The so-called “Western values of freedom and liberty,” sometimes seen as an ancient Western inheritance, are not particularly (1.but uniquely 2. but proudly 3. nor exclusively) Western in their origins.
10:2 Many of these values have taken their full form only over the (1. last 2. earlier 3. recent) few centuries.
10:3 While we do find some anticipatory components in parts of the ancient Western traditions, there are other such anticipatory components in parts of nonwestern ancient traditions as well.
10:4 On the particular subject of toleration, Plato and Confucius may be on a somewhat similar side, (1. such as 2. just as 3. thereby) Aristotle and Ashoka may be on another side.
10:5 The need to acknowledge diversity applies not only between nations and cultures, but also
within each nation and culture.
10:6 In the anxiety to (1. write 2. take 3. put) adequate note of international diversity and cultural divergences, and the so-called differences between “Western civilization,”“Asian values,” “African culture, and so on, there is often a dramatic neglect of heterogeneity within each country and culture.
10:7 “Nations” and “cultures” are not particularly good units to understand and analyze intellectual and political differences.
10:8 Lines of division in commitments and skepticism do not run along national boundaries — they run at many different (1. speeds 2. faces 3. Levels).
10:9 The rhetoric of cultures, with each “culture” seen in largely homogenized terms, can trouble us
politically as well as intellectually.
5:1 Postman: I have no argument with that.
5:2 As a matter of fact, when Socrates makes his case against writing, he says that one of its deficiencies is that you can’t (1. keep to 2. agree with 3. talk back to) the author.
総合政策学部 2,001 問１
4:1 The reality of cultural survival, then, lies somewhere between total disintegration and permanent preservation.
4:2 The most plausible meaning of the slogan as a political goal might be simply the preservation of difference: the desire that whatever cultures now exist should not lose their (1. equivalence 2. distinctiveness 3. universality).
4:3 That cultural identity continues to serve as a means by which some people make sense of their place in the world, (1. no matter 2. therefore 3. however) much the content of their cultures may change over time.
13:1 The proper focus for our moral concern, then, is (1. by all means 2. not 3. except) the survival of cultures as collective practices and traditions, but rather the political, civil and human rights of the individuals that constitute the cultures.
13:2 A culture has no moral claim to (1. temporal 2. transient 3. eternal) existence, especially as against the rights and choices of its own individual members.
13:3 Our concern about cultures, endangered or otherwise, should ultimately stem from the moral status and rights of their individual members.
総合政策学部 2,002 問2、
3:1 By the Middle Ages the power of the Church was such that it was able to forbid Christian knights (1. to 2. from 3. against) using certain weapons as hateful to God.
3:2 Thus, in 1139, the Second Lateran Council condemned the use of the crossbow and arc*, a view that matched the concept of chivalry* which regarded such weapons (1. as 2. such 3. very) disgraceful, since they could be used from a distance enabling a man to strike (1. with 2. before
3. without) the risk of himself being struck.
3:3 In fact, the feudal knights were aware of what they knew as the “law of chivalry,” a customary code of chivalrous conduct that controlled their affairs and which was enforced by specially appointed arbitrators* or, in the case of England and France, by Courts of Chivalry.
3:4 However, these limitations only covered those who shared the code of chivalry, such as knights of noble birth, and did not cover common soldiers.
総合政策学部 2002 問1
4:1 Siemens Data Communications (SDC), an Israel-based electrical -engineering company, has (1. same objects 2. similar goals 3. different purposes).
4:2 In October 1998, SDC and a Palestinian engineering company signed a pioneering joint venture in which SDC agreed to hire, train, and integrate Palestinian engineers into company projects.
4:3 This contract (1.hardly 2. neatly 3. rarely) solved two problems: first, it lowered the high rates of unemployment among Palestinian engineers; and second, it filled the gaps in the Israeli labor market.
4:4 As for the success of this joint venture, Ari Ben-Zichri, the head of research and development at SDC, noted, “during the training period at SDC there was no tension of any kind even though many of the Israeli employees were in the army and helped to put down the uprisings in Ramallah.”
4:5 One of the Palestinian employees stressed that “As engineers, we all speak the same language and have the same goals.
4:6 I think the only real hope for a peaceful settlement (1. Lies in 2. Results in 3. differs from) such cooperative projects.”
5:1 Peace Works, founded in 1994, also believes that peace may be reached through joint enterprise, but it is (1. by no means 2. not only 3. perhaps) unique because it was established expressly for the purpose of encouraging the development of cooperative business ventures between different groups of people.
5:2 To qualify for PeaceWorks’ aid, companies must be crowned by persons of different nationalities or ethnicities that have habitually been in conflict.
5:3 Peace Works serves as a consultant for marketing these companies’ products and (1. exchanging 2. facilitating 3. profiting) distribution and sales.
5:4 Peace Works is now a multinational corporation with more than 3,000 sales outlets in the United States alone.
5:5 Peace Works Specialty Foods, a subsidiary of Peace Works, supports ventures between Israeli manufacturers who buy their raw materials from Palestinian farmers; it also directs a project involving a Texan manufacturer and farmers in the strife filled Mexican state of Chiapas.
5:6 Peace Works provides similar services to the textile and clothing industries.
5:7 The Arab co-owner of a company with which PeaceWorks (1. promotes 2. disputes 3. collaborates) commented, “Companies like this are good for the Arab people, better than making war.”
5:8 Peace Works’ local partners are not the only ones acknowledging its work so far.
5:9 Global leaders have also acknowledged the success of Peace Works.
8:1 (1. Essentially 2. Repeatedly 3. On the contrary), the model establishes a connection between states and private sector companies that secure employment and technology for the areas where they operate.
8:2 Barilla, SDC, and Peace Works have all put this theory ( 1. aside 2. into practice 3. on trial) ; not only do they provide links between different groups of people that have been at odds with each other, but they also Create local employment, technological development, and profits.
総合政策学部 2006 問2、
1:1 Rural areas of the Southeast Asian mainland and the agricultural sector in general, form the majority of Southeast Asia’s population.
1:2 Rural agricultural areas, including forested land, constitute more than half of Southeast Asia’s land area.
1:3 The number of persons  (1. taken 2. engaged 3. residing) in agriculture, part or full time, varies from country to country.
1:4 It averages, however, between 70% and 80%.
1:5 In terms of these factors, that is, land and population, the rural areas are important.
1:6 Even more important are the local people’s ways of  (1.responding 2. opposing 3. appealing) to modern development, especially in terms of their economic and social benefits and costs.
総合政策学部 2006 問1
2:1 But not as unimaginable as this :
2:2 according to a respected researcher who employs a method of ranking human happiness on a scale of 1 to 7 , poor Calcutta’s score about a 4, suggesting they’re slightly happier than (1.not 2. ever 3. before) .
2:3 They may not be as happy as average Americans (who are pretty happy, statistically speaking, and positively  (1. cynical 2. pragmatic 3. euphoric) when compared with the dissatisfied Russians and sad Lath unions, but there certainly happier than one might expect.
9:1 Consider the case of the United States.
9:2 In the study of international college students, America ranked a respectable eighth, statistically tied  (1. in 2. to 3. with) Slovenia.
9:3 The US.s leaders were slightly pained by this, no doubt, whereas Slovenia’s leaders were overjoyed.
9:4 It would appear from these results that merely living as if you are No. 1, and running around the world shouting you are No. 1, doesn’t mean that you feel like No. 1 inside.
総合政策学部 2,008 問１
1:1 Some people think that science and common sense are alike because science is a systematic and controlled extension of common sense, which is, in turn, a series of concepts and conceptual schemes satisfactory for practical uses.
1:2 But science and common sense differ in two significant ways.
1:3 First, their uses of conceptual schemes and theoretical structures are strikingly different.
1:4  (1. Since 2. While. Now that) the man in the street uses “theories” and concepts, he ordinarily does so in a loose fashion.
1:5 He often accepts fanciful explanations of natural and human phenomena.
1:6 An illness, for instance, may be thought to be a punishment for sin.
1:7 The scientist, on the other hand, systematically builds her theoretical structures, tests them for  (1. internal 2. external 3. social) consistency, and subjects aspects of them  (1. for 2. to 3. through) empirical testing.
1:8 Furthermore, she knows that the concepts she is using are manmade terms that may or may not exhibit a close relation to reality.
5:1 Hypotheses are derived from theory.
5:2 A good theory produces good hypotheses.
5:3 And yet, it is also hypotheses that make theories better and sounder.
5:4 There are two aspects to handling hypotheses: hypothesis making and hypothesis testing.
5:5  (1. Distinguishing 2. Discounting 3. Defending) these aspects are the key to seeing how hypotheses can contribute to theory.
5:6 For example, Freud had a theory of anxiety that included the concept of “repression.”
5:7  (1. By 2. On 3. To) repression, Freud meant the forcing of unacceptable ideas into the unconscious.
5:8 Testing Freud’s theory is thus a difficult matter, because the concepts of “repression” and the “unconscious” need to be defined in a measurable, empirical way.
5:9 This is  (1. part 2. Soil. Most) of making a hypothesis and testing it empirically.
5:10 If the concepts used in a hypothesis are operationally defined, that is, empirically testable, then a scientist can test the theory itself, and the theory can be improved upon.
5:11  (1. Relative to 2. Depending Oil 3. Owing to) the hypothesis-testing activity tests not only the hypothesis in question but also the validity of the theory under consideration.
10:1 Biswas-Diener did further research by comparing the SWB scores of the impoverished Calcuttans with those of some homeless Californians in Fresno.
10:2 Although the Californians had the advantage of decidedly better social welfare, they lagged  (1. behind 2. from 3. after) the Calcutta’s in happiness.
10:3 One factor may be the lofty expectations Americans have for themselves and the despair they feel when they  (1.drop 2. fall 3. lack) short of them.
10:4 Or, as Biswas-Diener has suggested, the difference may come down to simple loneliness.
10:5 Poor Calcutta’s, he observes, tend to live surrounded by their families, while the poor Californians are very often out there on their own.
総合政策学部 2008 問2
2:1 With a view to identifying the causes of this failure, the report begins with an analysis of countries that have,  (1. deceptively 2. naturally 3. on the contrary), been successful in dealing with hunger.
2:2 In Brazil and in China, rapid overall economic growth has led to significant growth of agriculture in particular.
2:3 Both countries have made an  (1. obligation 2. illustration 3. effort) to control population growth and develop human resources, and have relatively low rates of HIV infection.
4:1 Subsequently, in September of 2006, there was a meeting at the Food and Agriculture Organization in Rome to identify ways to achieve the U. N. goal of halving hunger by 2015.
4:2 At the meeting, all of the participants were asked how the pace of reducing hunger could be accelerated,  (1. even though 2. Since 3. While) a 2005 review showed that progress was poor in most developing countries.
4:3 Almost all the participants felt that the greatest threats to food security in the future come, first, from climate change (potential adverse changes in temperature, rainfall, and sea level) l, and, second, from the loss of biodiversity.
4:4 There was a great deal of consensus on this issue among the diverse groups of representatives, including a farmer from Senegal, leaders of Oxfam and other non-governmental organizations, agricultural scientists, and food security specialists.
4:5 The suggested ways to go forward  (1. ranged 2. Sprang. Diverged) from faithful implementation of the Kyoto Protocol to acting on the provisions of biodiversity, climate, and the prevention of the spread of deserts.
6:1 First, the tsunami of December 2004 resulted in a severe loss of life and property along coastal Tamil Nadu in southern India, which is where Mr. Swami Nathan lives.
6:2 For 15 years  (1. previously 2. Since then 3. Now), many residents of that district have been trying to persuade coastal communities not to destroy the mangrove forests along the coast.
6:3 But the coastal people’s preoccupations with their livelihood did not allow them to heed that request.
6:4 The tsunami miraculously changed their outlook.
6:5 Villages adjoining thick mangrove forests were saved from the fury of the tsunami because of the wave breaking  (1. impact 2. role 3. force) played by the mangroves.
6:6 But in nearby villages, where mangroves had been destroyed either for fuel wood or to create fishponds, several hundred fishermen died.
6:7 This area is near the temple town of Chidambaram,  (1which. 2. Where 3. When) centuries ago the temple builders had chosen a mangrove species as the temple tree.
6:8 Following the tsunami there was a sudden awareness of the reason for this choice, and local people now refer to mangrove trees as “life savers.”
6:9 What the residents could not achieve in 15 years by arguing that mangroves would serve as a natural, biological shield in the event of a flood was thus achieved in a day.
7:1 The same tsunami  (1. dictated to 2. concealed from 3. demonstrated to) farmers living near the shoreline the importance of conserving local varieties of rice.
7:2 Several thousand hectares of rice fields along the coast became flooded with sea water.
7:3 Most varieties of rice  (1. survived 2. perished 3. mutated), but a few salt resistant ones withstood the flood.
7:4 This disaster, however, greatly helped to promote the conservation of local biodiversity, and now every farmer wishes to maintain a “seed bank” for the preservation of seeds belonging to diverse varieties.
7:5 The disaster became an opportunity to prepare both fishing and farming communities to meet the  (1. challenges 2. demands 3. diseases) that are directly linked to a rise in sea level.
7:6 The biodiversity conservation movements in this area have now become community driven.
11:1 Developing countries with pervasive poverty and expanding populations should spread a “do ecology” approach which can  (1. bring about 2. hold up 3. adhere to)both ecological and economic benefits.
11:2 In addition to self-help efforts on the part of developing countries, there is also a need for still greater support from the developed nations.
11:3 For this, Swami Nathan has proposed another important strategy named “don’t ecology” for developed countries.
11:4 This strategy relates to regulations and restrictions in areas such as carbon emissions and the unsustainable consumption of natural resources.
11:5 These two strategies, “do ecology” and “don’t ecology,” should work hand in hand to deal with
the growing damage to our life-support systems.
9:1 However, the compact city policies proposed so far have been based more in theory than in practice, and the arguments are contentious.
9:2 The theory is to an extent based on the assumption that restrictions on land use will help to concentrate development and lessen the need to travel, thus (1. generating 2. increasing 3. reducing) vehicle emissions.
9:3 The promotion of the use of public transport, walking and cycling is often cited as a solution.
9:4 Further reductions of harmful emissions might also result from more energy efficient land use planning, combined power and heating schemes, and energy efficient buildings.
9:5 It is also argued that higher densities may help to make the provision of amenities and facilities economically viable, (1.blocking 2. enhancing 3. reducing) social sustainability.
12:1 Our experiences show that there are many willing to participate in the noble campaign to end poverty on our planet.
12:2 Unfortunately, most charitable giving stays  (1. outside 2. inside 3. beside) the wealthiest countries.
12:3 In the United States, which accounts for the majority of private philanthropy worldwide, less than six percent of monetary giving leaves the United States.
12:4 Even using one research organizations liberal calculations that include volunteer time and other forms of giving, the total is still less than eight percent.
12:5 Research from other  (1.imperial 2. developed 3. Christian) nations produce similar results.
12:6 A leading reason for this disparity in need and giving has been the lack of reliable information and confirmation that donating abroad actually impacts those who need help the most.
12:7 Western private donors give  (1. little 2. different 3. great) weight to risk and return on investment.
12:8 When allowed to apply investment strategy to philanthropy, they respond.
12:9 This is evident in the growing number of givers adopting similar philosophies.
11:1 The  (1. marriage 2. failure 3. uniqueness) of measurable results and more committed donors is why performance philanthropy is so convincing as a strategy for reducing global poverty and its related consequences.
11:2 According to the World Bank, half the world’s 6 billion people live on less than $2 a day, and 1.3 billion people – more than 20 percent of the world’s population – live on less than $1 per day.
11:3 These poverty figures,  (1. due to 2. roughly 3. despite) hundreds of billions of dollars of traditional philanthropy, keep growing.
11:4 The number of people living on less than $2 a day grew by 300 million in the last 20 years.
10:1 Performance philanthropy has additional benefits.
10:2 Not only does it maximize results;
10:3 it also encourages additional investment.
10:4 When donors are  (1. able 2. reluctant 3. insensitive) to follow their money and understand the direct results of their generosity, they become much more committed to the philanthropic process.
10:5 These committed and involved donors help to energize and expand the field of giving.
5:1 The theory of evolution has not been proven as fully as the theory of gravity.
5:2 There are many gaps in what we know about prehistoric creatures.
5:3 But everything that we have learned is (1.consistent with 2. Contrary to 3. irrelevant to) the view that the creatures we encounter today had ancestors from which they evolved.
5:4 This view, which is the only scientifically defensible theory of the origin of species, does not by any  (1.means 2. trend 3.accident) rule out the idea that God exists.
2:1 This theory has been tested rigorously,  (1. as much as 2. so much as 3. so much so) that we can now launch a satellite and know exactly where it must be in space in order to keep it rotating around the earth.
2:2 It was not always this way.
2:3 From classical times to the Middle Ages, many important thinkers thought that the speed with which objects fall toward the earth depended solely on their weight.
2:4 We now know that this view is false.
2:5 In a vacuum, objects fall at the same speed and, thanks to Newton, we know the formula with which to  (1.accelerate 2.calculate 3. control) that speed.
8:1 However, this is by  (1. all 2. some 3. no) means the only way in which a language can develop its vocabulary;
8:2 there are many cases where the vocabulary of a language is developed from within, that is, by using its own existing resources.
8:3 One of the reasons why a languages own resources may be used in the expansion of its vocabulary is that a writer wants his/her work to be readily understood by its intended audience, who might be (1. put on 2. put off 3. pulled off) by too much borrowing.
8:4 This is what Cicero* did.
8:5 In order to write in Latin about the ideas of Greek philosophy, he developed a Latin vocabulary which corresponded to the ideas he wanted to put （ 1. away 2. down 3. across) .
8:6 An example of this was his use of the Latin word ratio to mean ‘reason’, a usage which has come down to us today in English.
8:7 He also invented new words made up of Latin elements:
8:8 for instance, the word qualitas, which became ‘quality’ in English, was  (1. coined 2. depicted 3. designated) by Cicero to correspond to a Greek idea.
8:9 Thus, he composed his philosophical works in Latin partly to make Greek philosophy available to a Latin-speaking audience, but also partly to show that it could be done.
8:10 This was because some of his contemporaries were skeptical about the possibility of Latin being able to express the ideas of the Greeks!
6:1 However, this view confuses a feature of languages which is due just to their history with an  (1. insistent 2. inherent 3. initial) property of languages.
6:2 That is, this opinion concludes that because there has been no occasion or need to discuss, for arguments sake, nuclear physics in Maori; it could never be done because of some inherent fault in Maori.
6:3 A little thought, however, will show that this argument cannot be maintained.
6:4 Computers were not discussed in Old English;
6:5 Modern English is the same language as Old English, only later;
6:6 it should follow that Modern English cannot be used to discuss computers.
6:7 This is clearly  (1. assertive 2. absurd 3.appropriate).
6:8 What of course has happened is that through time English has developed the resources necessary to the discussion of computers and very many other topics which were simply unknown in earlier times.
6:9 And ‘developed’ is the crucial word in this matter.
6:10 English expanded its vocabulary in a variety of ways so as to meet the new  (1.demands 2. supply 3. necessity) being made of it.
6:11 All languages are capable of the same types of expansion of vocabulary to deal with whatever new areas of life their speakers need to talk about.
3:1 Over the last twenty years, there have been a number of initiatives in the areas of politics, education and broadcasting to try to use Maori and,  (1. by the way 2. in addition 3. as a result), it is now an official language of New Zealand.
3:2 As these initiatives have progressed, however, some people have begun to express the view that Maori is simply not capable of being used as an official language.
3:3 This kind of opinion, in fact, is not based on logic.
3:4 I recall a comment in a New Zealand newspaper, which tried to  (1. make 2. see 3. show) the point that Maori was no good as a language because it had to borrow words from English in order to express new ideas.
3:5 English,  (1. on the one hand 2. on the other hand 3. On top of that), was a very flexible and vital language because it had throughout its history been able to draw resources from many other languages to express new ideas.
2:1 This sort of opinion is often seen in societies where a minority language is spoken alongside a major language.
2:2 Consider the situation of Maori, the  (1. indigenous 2. Inevitable 3. Institutional) language of New Zealand.
2:3 Linguists estimate that English is the native language of some 95 percent of the New Zealand population and the only language of about 90 percent.
2:4 People who identify themselves as Maori  (1. come out 2. make up 3. sum up)about 12 percent of the New Zealand population of just over 3 million.
2:5 Although the Maori language is regarded as an important part of identity as a Maori, it is spoken fluently by only 30,000 people.
2:1 A new animal appeared on the planet, spreading slowly out from the African heartland.
2:2 It was still so rare that a hasty census might have overlooked it, among the teeming billions of creatures roving over land and sea.
2:3 There was no evidence, as yet, that it would prosper or even survive;
2:4 in this world where so many mightier beasts had passed (1. away 2. off 3. Out) , its fate still wavered in the balance
5:1 The bone club, the toothed saw, the horn dagger, the bone scraper these were the marvelous inventions which the manages needed in order to survive.
5:2 Soon they would recognize them for the symbols of power that they were, but many months (1. could 2. had to 3. might) pass before their clumsy fingers would acquire the skill or the will to use them.
5:3 The odds were still (1. against 2. between 3. beyond) them, and there were endless opportunities for failure in the ages that lay ahead.
5:4 Yet the manages had been given their first chance.
5:5 There would be no second one;
5:6 the future was, very literally, in their own hands.
11:1 Humans were also learning to harness the forces of nature;
11:2 with the taming of fire, they laid the foundations of technology and left their animal origins far behind.
11:3 Stone gave (1. merit 2. birth 3. way) to bronze, and then to iron.
11:4 Hunting was succeeded by agriculture.
11:5 The tribe grew into the village, the village into the town.
11:6 Speech became eternal,  (1. more 2. relative 3. thanks) to certain marks on stone and clay and papyrus.
11:7 Presently they invented philosophy, and religion.
11:8 And they peopled the sky, not altogether inaccurately, with gods.
12:1 As their bodies became more and more defenseless, so their means of offense became steadily more frightful.
12:2 With stone, bronze, and iron, they  (1. got 2. made 3. ran) the gamut of everything that could pierce and slash, and quite early in time they learned how to strike down their victims from a long distance.
12:3 The spear, the bow, the gun, and finally the guided missile gave them weapons of infinite range and (1. all 2. more. none) but infinite power.