環境情報学部 1,995 問２
9:1 Classical Liberalism — After the Revolution of 1688, Britain was thought to be the country whose political practices were the most free.
9:2 The revolution had ensured that rulers would act according to legal process and that the judiciary was independent of political control.
9:3 French writers like Voltaire and Montesquieu contrasted this situation with that of France where, (9) (1. since 2. although 3. if) government in many respects was mild, it could act in an arbitrary way.
9:4 Sentiments favorable to liberty were also widely promoted in the 18th century by a passionate admiration for ancient Rome that was especially strong in France and the American colonies.
10:1 The American Revolution gave (10) (1. further impetus 2. a shock 3. a halt) to liberalism.
10:2 The rhetoric of the Declaration of Independence asserted the liberal principle that all men have the right to “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”
10:3 It was soon echoed by the French Declaration of the Rights of Man, which made liberal ideas the (11) (1. vehicle 2. scapegoat 3. replacement) of a revolutionary ferment throughout Europe.
環境情報学部 1,999 問２
1:1 The greatest obstacle in science to investigating the emotions of other animals has been an inordinate desire to avoid anthropomorphism.
1:2 Anthropomorphism means the ascription of human characteristics — thought, feeling, consciousness, and motivation — to the nonhuman.
1:3 When people claim that the weather is conspiring to ruin their picnic or that a tree is their friend, they are anthropomorphizing.
1:4 Few believe that the weather is plotting against them, but anthropomorphic ideas about animals are held more widely.
1:5 Outside scientific circles, it is common to speak of the thoughts and feelings of pets and of wild and captive animals.
1:6 Yet many scientists regard even the notion that animals feel pain as the grossest sort of anthropomorphic error.
2:1 Science considers anthropomorphism toward animals a grave mistake, even a sin.
2:2 It is common in science to speak of “committing” anthropomorphism.
2:3 The term originally was religious, referring to the (1)(1. modifying 2. shaping 3.assigning) of human form or characteristics to God — the hierarchical error of acting as though the merely human could be (2)(1. divine 2. secular 3. religious) — hence the connotation of sin.
2:4 In the long article on anthropomorphism in the 1908 Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, the author (Frank B. Jevons) writes: “The tendency to (3)(1. personify 2. imitate 3. create) objects — whether objects of sense or objects of thought — which is found in animals and children as well as in savages, is the origin of anthropomorphism.”
2:5 Men, the idea goes, create gods in their own image.
2:6 The best-known example of this tendency comes from the Greek author Xenophanes (fifth century B.C.).
2:7 He notes that Ethiopians represent the gods as black, Thracians depict them as blue-eyed and red-haired, and “if oxen and horses … had hands and could paint” their images of gods would depict oxen and horses.
2:8 The philosopher Ludwig Feuerbach concluded that God is nothing but our (4)(1. injection 2. projection 3. introspection), on a celestial screen, of the essence of man.
2:9 In science, the sin against hierarchy is to assign human characteristics to animals.
2:10 Just as humans could not be like God, now animals cannot be like humans (note who has taken God’s place).
環境情報学部 2,001 問2、
11:1 In the United Kingdom, as in most of Europe, people have made the landscape.
11:2 This means that the characteristic habitats and species that conservationists wish to preserve are generally there because of traditional land management rather than (1. in spite of 2. in conjunction with 3. in consequence of) it.
11:3 The future shape and purpose of the countryside is society’s choice.
11:4 At present, most of those in the United Kingdom who voice an opinion would prefer a countryside in which agricultural production is moderated with conservation.
11:5 And on a worldwide stage this makes sense for a sustainable future: the green revolution gave success at a price, and that price cannot be paid (1. finally 2. indefinitely 3. absolutely).
12:1 The British public’s concern about genetically modified (GM) crops, based in part on justifiable environmental concerns, must be placed in this context.
12:2 Whatever hazard GM crops may pose to the environment is linked to the general problem of biodiversity in a landscape damaged by the intensification of agriculture.
12:3 The environmental safety aspects of GM must be thoroughly investigated to define the (1. risks 2. profits 3. degrees) before moving to large-scale commercial planting.
12:4 Even then, we must continue careful observation and evaluation.
12:5 But we must also recognize a potential benefit of GM crops — to give us a wider range of options as we try to make a more (1. heterogeneous 2. sustainable 3. intensive) future for agriculture than that created by the last green revolution.
総合政策学部 1,995 問2
3:1 If rule-following is a necessary prerequisite on the field of play, one might say that the existence of such rules implies an off field structure to permit the alternation of rules amidst argument and debate.
3:2 In fact, the more rules a sport may have, the more arguments and changes of rules can be expected.
3:3 Cricket is probably the most ornate of all sports, demanding that the players (8) (1. break 2. question 3. obey) both the formal rules and informal spirit of the game.
3:4 Not a season passes without the games officials arguing amongst themselves about changing rules.
3:5 In fact controversies on the pitch can end up in the (9) (1. committee rooms 2. on the field fights 3. new rules) as controversies about the appropriateness of rules.
3:6 This is certainly true of the most furious, and enduring, of cricket’s on the field controversies.
3:7 On the tour of Australia in 1932/3, the English bowlers adopted a tactic which the Australian team and public considered to be unfairly dangerous.
3:8 The arguments stretched from the field of play right up to the highest levels of government.
3:9 As with Socrates and Protagoras, the words used in the dispute would not keep agreeably (10) (1. open 2. still 3. conflicting), but the choice of terms became a matter of controversy in itself, as well as being a signal of the speakers sympathies.
3:10 The British preferred to call their bowling tactic by the neutral, even academic, name of ‘Leg Theory’, (11) ( 1. in case 2. even if 3. as if) nothing more than strategy were involved.
3:11 The Australians insisted on Bodyline to express their indignation with a ploy which they felt to be unsparingly intimidator.
3:12 What is significant is that the controversy led to a change in the rules of cricket, and that the merits of this change (12) (1. occasion 2. discontinue 3.discourage) arguments to this day amongst the legislators of the game.
4:1 There is a general point which does not concern the details of that unhappy cricket tour, and which is not even restricted to the world of sport.
4:2 The (13) (1. more specific 2. more ambiguous 3. wider) issue is the close connection between lawmaking and argumentation.
4:3 Laws may exist to resolve disputes, but they are created out of dispute, frequently at the cost of provoking further Argument.
4:4 A simple syllogism might illustrate this: if there are lawyers, there will be arguments; therefore, if there are laws, there will be arguments.
4:5 This same general point is better expressed in Plato’s Republic, which looked forward to the creation of a well-ordered state.
4:6 The citizenry of this ideal republic would obey the states rationally founded laws without dispute.
4:7 Such a perfect state, in the interests of maintaining its ordered harmony, would need to (14) (1. dispense with 2. formulate 3. abide by) laws about trivia such as contracts made in the market and contracts for manufacture, questions of slander and assault, the lodging of legal actions and empaneling of juries, exaction and payment of market or harbor dues and the general business of regulating business and police and harbor charges and other similar matters.
4:8 If laws were formulated on such minor matters, then the citizenry would waste their whole time making and correcting detailed regulations, with the result that harmonious order would (15) (1. naturally follow 2. never be achieved 3. often be guaranteed).
4:9 Sextons Empirics blamed the rhetoricians, rather than the existence of laws, for argumentation.
4:10 He noted that among the barbarians there were no rhetoricians, and the laws remained unaltered and generally obeyed, whereas amongst those who cultivate rhetoric they are altered daily, as is the case with the Athenians.
4:11 We could add that the “barbarians” Sextus Empiricus had in mind would not have codified their laws with the precision of the legislative bodies presiding over modern bat and ball games.
総合政策学部 1996 問2、
5:1 The opposing approach, most clearly formulated by Gadamer, takes the act of interpretation as primary, understanding it as an interaction between the ‘horizon’ provided by the text and the horizon that the interpreter brings to it.
5:2 Gadamer (7)(1. denies 2. questions 3. insists) that every reading or hearing of a text constitutes an act of giving meaning to it through interpretation.
6:1 Gadamer devotes extensive discussion to the relation of the individual to tradition, clarifying how tradition and interpretation (8)(1. complicate 2. interact 3. separate).
6:2 Any individual, in understanding his or her world, is continually involved in activities of interpretation.
6:3 That interpretation is based on prejudice (or preunderstanding), which includes assumptions implicit in the language that the person uses.
6:4 That language in turn is (9)(1. learned 2. forgotten 3 . intervened) through activities of interpretation.
6:5 The individual is changed through the use of language, and the language changes through its use by individuals.
6:6 This process is of the first importance, since it constitutes the background of the beliefs and assumptions that determine the nature of our being.
6:7 We are social creatures:
総合政策学部 1,997 問２
10:1 He wished, (10) (1. to be sure 2. in sum 3. for example), to trace facial gestures to antecedent states in ancestral animals.
10:2 But if the human complement forms an integrated array, locked together by our unique consciousness, then a historical origin from simpler systems becomes impossible.
10:3 Darwin recognized that two principles must underlie the possibility of evolution.
10:4 First, gestures cannot be subject to fully conscious control; some, at least, must represent automatic, evolved responses.
10:5 As (11) (1. examples 2. collections 3. evidence) for ancestral states, Darwin cited several gestures that make no sense without modern morphology, but must have served our ancestors well.
10:6 In sneering, we tighten our upper lips and raise them in the region of our canine teeth.
10:7 This motion once exposed the fighting weapons of our ancestors, but human canines are no bigger than our other teeth and this inherited reaction has lost its original function.
11:1 (12)(1. Therefore 2. Second 3. Nonetheless) , just as young Mozart could separate and abstract single emotions, Darwin realized that standard facial gestures must be modules of largely independent action and that the human emotional repertoire must be more like the separate items in a shopper’s bag than the facets of an unbreakable totality.
11:2 Evolution can mix, (13) (1. run 2. survive 3. match), and modify independently.
11:3 Otherwise we face Cuvier’s dilemma: if all emotions are inextricably bound by their status as interacting, optimal expressions, then how can anything ever change?
総合政策学部 1999 問1
9:1 That sounds like a scientists (6) (1. dilemma 2. cliché 3. fear) .
9:2 But Botstein, an originator of some of the major concepts that made the genome project practical, is no ivory tower researcher.
9:3 He questions, “How much can we hope to learn about the interactions of genetics and the environment?
9:4 Will we actually be able to predict anything by knowing genes?
9:5 The more thoughtful ones, very quickly, get into the issues of the limits of knowledge.”
総合政策学部 2002 問1
11:1 (1. Fortunately 2. Clearly 3. Theoretically) , the social benefits of joint ventures have a limited scope; they merely touch their local communities.
11:2 But the failure of peace talks and negotiations only serves to emphasize that politics are not sufficient, and that the BOC model may indeed be one of the better ways to guide the Middle East and similarly troubled regions to peace.
総合政策学部 2010 問1
1;1 Over the recent decades, a vast and diverse flock of parenting experts has arisen.
1:2 Anyone who tries even casually to follow their advice may be stymied, for the conventional wisdom on parenting seems to shift by the hour.
1:3 Sometimes it is a case of one expert differing from another.
1:4 At other times, the most vocal experts suddenly agree en masse that the old wisdom was wrong and that the new wisdom is, for a little while at least, irrefutably right.
1:5 The typical parenting expert, like experts in other fields, is  (1. prone 2. unlikely 3. afraid) to sound exceedingly sure of himself.
1:6 An expert doesn’t so much argue the various sides of an issue as plant his flag firmly on one side.
1:7 That’s because an expert whose argument reeks of restraint or nuance often doesn’t get much attention.
1:8 An expert must be bold if he hopes to alchemize his homespun theory into conventional wisdom.
1:9 His best chance of doing so is to  (1. dispute 2. ignore 3. engage) the publics emotions, for emotion is the enemy of rational argument.
1:10 And as emotions go, one of them―fear―is more potent than the rest.
1:11 Mad-cow disease, crib death, avian flu―how can we fail to heed the expert’s advice on these horrors when, like that mean uncle telling too-scary stories to too-young children, he has reduced us to quivers?
2:1 No one is more  (1. indifferent to 2. suspicious of 3. susceptible to) an expert’s fear- mongering than a parent.
2:2 Fear is, in fact, a major component of the act of parenting.
2:3 A parent, after all, is the  (1. beneficiary 2. steward 3. successor) of another creature’s life, a creature who in the beginning is more helpless than the newborn of nearly any other species.
2:4 This leads a lot of parents to spend a lot of their parenting energy simply being scared.