慶應義塾大学SFC 英語 語法三択テクニック 『特定段落の内容から(文脈から)考える問題』

環境情報学部 1,995 問1、
■第2段落
2:1 The information involved in animal communication can come from many sources; any facet of the environment (1)( 1. created 2. perceived 3. imagined) is considered information.
2:2 In linguistic communication the primary function of words is to convey information.
2:3 Similarly, animals (including man) have modes of behaviour that, in the course of evolution, were selected for their value in providing vehicles for conveying information.
2:4 During the evolutionary process some of these vehicles also (2)(1. remained 2. retained 3. underwent) more direct functions, but many became specialized for a communicative function alone.
2:5 These communicative acts, known as displays, include various posturings and movements; sounds; particular ways of making contact among individuals; the release of specialized chemicals called pheromones; and even electrical discharges.
2:6 Displays have been studied as important means for transmitting information in animal communication.
2:7 There are, of course, other information sources in animals, some of which have also undergone evolutionary (3)(1.specification 2. specialization 3. generalization) toward a communication function.
2:8 Among them are what may be called badges — i.e., attributes that are merely structural and nonbehavioral in nature: the red breast of the robin, the red underside of the breeding male stickleback fish, and the mane of the male lion.
2:9 Many other sources of information can be found in the repeated forms of interaction that develop during prolonged relationships between two individuals and in individual expectations about the nature of the roles in which they encounter others, both familiar associates and strangers.
2:10 The activities of individuals who interact socially provide a constant and usually rich information source, but, in the study of nonhuman communication, the bulk of systematic research thus far has been (4)(1. directed 2. induced 3. stipulated) toward displays and badges; it is, therefore, these highly specialized categories that are of the greatest concern here.

■第6段落
6:1 Third, communication reduces the amount of actual fighting and fleeing among animals, an excess of which could (10)(1. dislocate 2. disrupt 3. distribute) social encounters.
6:2 In functionally aggressive encounters, such as territorial or dominance disputes, this reduction is achieved by threat displays that often lead to some form of capitulation by one opponent before fighting occurs.
6:3 In less aggressive circumstances, communication enables animals to appease and (11)(.1. reassure 2. confirm 3. assess) one another that each is not likely to be initially aggressive in his present state.
6:4 Fourth, communication aids in (12) (1. positing 2. contracting 3. synchronizing) the behaviour of individuals who must come into appropriate physiological states in order to breed.
6:5 This is necessary within pairs and, in some species, among whole colonies of pairs.

■第7段落
7:1 Fifth, displays enable individuals to use each other to monitor the environment, not only on a relatively long-term basis but also on a very (13)(1. distant 2. immediate 3. instant) basis.
7:2 Thus, in species that spend much of their time living in compact social groups, such as flocks, coteries, or troops, an indication by any one individual that it is fleeing precipitously — often a vocal display in addition to the flight itself — usually correlates with the presence of a dangerous predator and leads to evasion, hiding, or alertness on the part of the other members of the group.

 

■第8段落
8:1 Finally, communication facilitates the maintenance of special relationships between individuals by making (14)(1. possible 2. available 3. relevant) information about the readiness of each to engage in certain activities.
8:2 The maintenance of individual relationships in cohesive groups is (15)(1.affirmed 2. tied 3. furthered) by communication, which keeps members aware both of the behaviour of associates whom they may not be able to see and of the readiness of associates to change their activities.

8:3 For example, vocal displays usually precede flight by a member of a resting family of geese, and the family then tends to depart as a unit.
8:4 Within some types of relationship, display behaviour also aides in (16)(1. eliciting 2. eliminating 3.preventing) general classes of responses; for example, offspring usually signal to arouse various forms of care-giving behaviour from their parents.

■第9段落
9:1 The functions in which communication appears to be used vary considerably among different species; each has specialized features, some quite remarkable.
9:2 It has been demonstrated, for example, that vocalizations and other sounds made during hatching by chicken-like birds influence the rate of hatching of sibling chicks, so that all members of the brood can leave the nest simultaneously.
9:3 It has been suggested that birds (17)(1.immigrating 2. emigrating 3. migrating) in flocks may use signals in order to inform each other of their position in the night sky, so that the individuals in the flock can perhaps (18)(1. confiscate 2. compensate 3. commensurate) for small individual navigational errors.

■第10段落
10:1 One interesting aspect of birdsong is the occurrence of dialectal differences (regional variations) among populations of a single species living in different areas.
10:2 Several such changes that are known to occur between adjacent populations of the South American rufous-collared sparrow correlate with relatively major habitat changes.
10:3 Very few dialectal changes occur over an enormous range on the Argentine pampas, but in this case the habitat of the species also changes little.
10:4 The habitat changes markedly in the Andes mountains over short distances, however, as elevation rapidly increases, and, (19)(1. concurrently 2. additionally 3. jointly) , many more dialectal changes occur there in birds’ songs.
10:5 The suggested function of the correlations between display and features of the habitat is that they provide markers that identify populations adapted to different local conditions; such markers would permit more appropriate selection of mates than would otherwise occur, at least in the marginal areas between populations.
10:6 It has been suggested that a similar (20)(1. structural 2. marginal 3. functional) explanation may by involved in the evolution of human dialects.

環境情報学部 1,995 問2
■第4段落
4:1 The model for this distinction between liberal and conservative tendencies is British politics of the 19th century.
4:2 Even this model is imperfect, however, because political parties in liberal countries commonly have only a loose attachment to any political principle.
4:3 For example, in the United States in the mid-20th century, the two major political parties might both have been described as “liberal,” though in different senses of the word.
4:4 The Republicans stood for a minimum of governmental (4)( 1. association 2 . interference 3. attachment) with the affairs of individuals, while the Democrats generally favored legislation to supply underprivileged individuals with what were thought to be the essential conditions for the exercise of individual liberty.

■第5段落
5:1 Wherever and whenever it has become current, “liberal” has acquired local (5) (1. overtones 2. syndicates 3. predominance).
5:2 In France it has been associated with anticlericalism, because the Roman Catholic Church was viewed as the embodiment of feudalism.
5:3 In Germany liberals have always supported party politics against the old Prussian tradition of absolute government.
5:4 In Russia and Spain the liberals traditionally have supported a policy of political democracy and industrial modernization, in contrast with those who believed that such innovations would (6) (1. destroy 2. upgrade 3. restore) the unique moral qualities of Russian or Spanish life.

■第7段落
7:1 By the 18th century the social contract theory of government had displaced its main rival, the divine right of king’s doctrine, which asserted that rulers exercised authority by gift from God.
7:2 The popular version of the social contract envisaged a contract between rulers and ruled and granted the people the right to displace rulers thought to have (8) (1 .renewed 2. admired 3.broken)the contract.
7:3 The metaphor of a contract requires an impartial party to judge whether the contract has been broken, and in politics no such party exists.
7:4 The more carefully considered versions of the theory — those of Hobbes, Locke, and Spinoza
— all take this difficulty into account.
7:5 Later liberal writers have tended to dispense with the metaphor of a contract.■第10段落
10:1 The American Revolution gave (10) (1. further impetus 2. a shock 3. a halt) to liberalism.
10:2 The rhetoric of the Declaration of Independence asserted the liberal principle that all men have the right to “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”

10:3 It was soon echoed by the French Declaration of the Rights of Man, which made liberal ideas the (11) (1. vehicle 2. scapegoat 3. replacement) of a revolutionary ferment throughout Europe.

■第11段落
11:1 Liberalism in the 19th century may be seen as the political wing of a larger movement toward the rationalization of traditional practices and the (12) (1. concealment 2. exploitation 3.
recovery) of the resources of the earth.
11:2 But complications invaded liberal thinking, which have rendered liberalism ambivalent ever since.
11:3 Many liberal-minded persons became concerned with the conditions of the poor and the plight of other groups considered “underprivileged.”
11:4 It seemed to them that liberalism’s basic objection to state intervention was not appropriate to these problems.
11:5 Many problems could be solved only by collectivist measures taken by representative government.

■第14段落
14:1 “Enlightened” ideas spread quickly throughout Europe, finding favor in two very different quarters: among the middle classes of the towns, who generally were (15) (1. in power in 2. compared to 3. excluded from) political activity, and among many of the absolute rulers of Europe.

14:2 A result was that, in the second half of the 18th century, politics commonly resolved itself into a struggle between a reforming king supported by a largely middleclass bureaucracy, on the one side, and entrenched corporations and parliaments, generally aristocratic, on the other.

■第15段落
15:1 The “enlightened despot” justified his absolute powers by regarding himself as “the first servant of the state” and his subjects as equal in the eyes of the state.
15:2 He established schools to teach useful knowledge and a civil service based on merit, and he sought to inaugurate town planning, to reduce church privileges, and to (16) (1. reduce 2. conceal 3. increase) the wealth of the state.

■第16段落
16:1 This type of policy was followed, with varying success, by Frederick the Great in Prussia, Catherine in Russia, Joseph II in Austria, and Charles III in Spain, among others.
16:2 The reforming rulers, supported by the philosophers of the Enlightenment, found themselves locked in a struggle with the aristocracy and the church.
16:3 The issue was between feudal custom and a centralizing rationality that sought to turn the state into an (17) (1. impotent 2. efficient 3. indulgent) institution.

環境情報学部 1,996 問1、
■第1段落
1:1 Leadership has been defined as the power of one or a few individuals to induce a group to adopt a particular line of policy.
1:2 Leadership has always fascinated the general public (1)(1. as well as 2. as told to 3.as understood by) observers of political life because of the element of “miracle” which seems embedded in the phenomenon.
1:3 It appears to belong to the realm of the divine, of the (2)(1. secular 2. mundane 3. sacred) as it creates a bond between rulers and ruled which defies ordinary explanations.
1:4 Not surprisingly, therefore, leadership has (3)(1. proved 2. found 3. judged) difficult to measure and to assess; works on the subject have tended to be descriptions of the deeds of heroes rather than careful analyses of the subject.

■第2段落
2:1 Part of the difficulty comes from the fact that the qualities required of a leader are hard to define.
2:2 Social psychologists and psychologists, who more than other academics have attempted to analyze the phenomenon and who have set up experiments designed to (4)(1. deflect 2. detect 3. detract) the components of leadership, have found it difficult to agree as to which personality characteristics are most important.
2:3 Many “traits” are felt to be essential, from energy to intelligence and from the ability to communicate to the capacity to make decisions rapidly and firmly.
2:4 The results so far do not provide a clear outline of what is or is not required, (5)(1. any less than 2. any more than 3. any other than) the biographies of “illustrious” men have made it possible to determine what exactly were the qualities of Alexander or Caesar, Napoleon or Churchill.

■第3段落
3:1 One reason why the personal qualities required of a leader (6)(1.should 2. may 3. may not) be diverse is because leadership cannot be divorced from the environment within which it occurs.
3:2 The role of this environment is (7)(1. manifest 2. manifold 3. manipulative) in several ways.
3:3 To begin with, the personal qualities of leaders are personal only in the sense that these leaders happen to possess them: they may also be viewed as being in part the product of the environment, from the family in which the leaders grew up to the nation to which they belong.

3:4 But there are two other essential ways in which leadership is related to and indeed (8)(1. contends with 2. suspends from 3. depends on) the environment.
3:5 First, leadership is, usually at least, clearly connected to the holding of a particular position: a prime minister may exercise his or her leadership more or less successfully; in the first instance, however, the fact of being prime minister provides opportunities which others do not have.
3:6 The holder of such a post is expected to be a leader; other politicians and the population as a whole look to the head of the government for guidance.
3:7 What needs explanation is more why some prime ministers or presidents do not succeed in becoming real leaders, rather than why they succeed (9)(1. in doing it 2. in doing so 3. in being it).
3:8 Indeed, more generally, the institutional framework truly fashions the characteristics of leadership in that it provides opportunities to exercise power: the British prime minister, for example, has an easier task in this respect than the Italian prime minister, who heads a coalition government whose many components are more likely to rebel than to follow.

■第4段落
4:1 There is, however, a second and even more fundamental way in which the environment appears to condition or even mould leadership : the circumstances are not equally advantageous to all those who hold top positions.
4:2 Of course, a “real” leader is the one who can (10)(1. lose 2. hold 3. seize) the opportunities and(11)(1. exploit 2. explain 3. extort) them to the full; but the opportunities may be rare.
4:3 Some leaders may benefit from the disunion of their enemies at home and abroad; others may benefit from the fact that external circumstances are favorable.
4:4 Indeed, it is in the context of foreign affairs that the characteristics of leadership have tended to (12)(1. indulge 2. submerge 3. emerge) most strongly, in part because foreign affairs have always been more glamorous than internal policy making and in part because, the stakes being much higher, up to and including the destruction of the country, the successes can be immense.
4:5 Machiavelli knew this well: most of his 1ecommendations to the Prince were connected to the aim of establishing leadership through prestigious victories against (13)(1. domestic 2. foreign 3. native) enemies.

4:6 Closer to our own day, one wonders how Winston Churchill would have fared — indeed whether he would still play a part in the history books, despite having been minister several times
— had he not “met with destiny” in 1940; the same might be said of Charles de Gaulle, as a result of the brutal French defeat of the same year.

■第6段落
6:1 So far there has been no definite answer to the question and none is likely to be given in the near future.
6:2 Attempts to compare different situations and assess how much of the variations could be attributed to leaders have occasionally been made.
6:3 Even if the efforts are not wholly convincing they (16)(1. take 2. rest 3.make) the case of those who suggest that leaders merely reflect their environment more difficult to sustain: it goes against common sense; it goes against the way people have always behaved, not least those who have (17)(1. processed 2. possessed 3. professed) that the environment was all powerful.
6:4 It is the political regimes that are most closely built on this philosophy, the communist systems, that produce the politicians who place most emphasis on leadership as though the socioeconomic forces needed Lenin, Mao, Tito and others to (18)(1. materialize 2. destroy 3. neutralize)themselves in the reality of political life.

■第7段落
7:1 It seems reasonable to continue to assume that leaders play a major part in determining political actions though it is also reasonable to believe that this part is larger in some circumstances than in others and especially (19)(1. large 2. small 3. negligible) at times of crisis or when a new country is created.
7:2 This is probably why the strongest form of leadership, described as “charismatic,” often (20)(1. failed 2. prevailed 3. disappeared) during the post second-world-war period, when dozens of states became independent and many others underwent revolutions.

環境情報学部 1,996 問2、
■第1段落
1:1 Festivals are collective phenomena and serve purposes rooted in group life.
1:2 Systems of reciprocity and of shared responsibility ensure the continuity of and participation in the festival through the distribution of prestige and production.
1:3 Most festivals provide the opportunity for individual religious devotion or individual performance, and this opportunity is a primary motive for the occasion.
1:4 Other unstated but important purposes are the expression of group identity through ancestor worship or memorialization, the performance of highly valued skills and talents, or the articulation of the group heritage.
1:5 Rarely do such events use the term festival, employing (1)(1. merely 2. thereby 3. instead) a name related to the stated purposes or core symbols of the event: Mardi Gras (Catholic), Sukkot (Jewish), Holi (Hindu), Namahage (Japanese), Cowboy Reunion (American), Feast of Fools (French).
1:6 Those events that do have festival in their titles are generally contemporary modern constructions, (2)(1. employing 2. strengthening 3. producing) festival characteristics but serving the commercial, ideological, or political purposes of self-interested authorities or entrepreneurs.

■第2段落
2:1 (3)(1. Change 2. Consideration 3. Coinage) of terminology also raises the question of festival’s relationship to ritual.
2:2 The separation of the two types of symbolic enactment evolved as a consequence of modern religious systems’ attempts to obliterate native religions.
2:3 Quite commonly, however, indigenous practices (4)(1. survived 2. predominated 3. died down)
under a new name, disguising their origins.
2:4 These became known as festival or fiesta, in contrast to ritual, which became the serious occasions focusing on male authority legitimated by modern official religion.
2:5 In an effort to denigrate indigenous religious practices, modern religion thus assigned festival to a position (5)(1.through 2. crucial to 3.peripheral to) the core of ritual life.
2:6 The most recent modern religions, such as Protestantism, completely dissociate festival from religion, and it then becomes a secular event.
2:7 As a result, ritual is associated with official religion, whereas festival designates occasions considered to be pagan, recreational, or for children.
2:8 Like play and creativity, festival explores and (6)(1. copes 2. experiments 3. defines itself) with meaning.
2:9 Both forms utilize multiple codes and channels.
2:10 Examples of contemporary festivals and holidays with ancient roots include celebrations of saints’ days, the Virgin Mary, Christmas, the new year, Easter, May Day, and Halloween, all of which represent a fusion of early Indo-European and/or Native American religious rituals with modern religion and culture.

■第4段落
4:1 Two symbolic processes contribute heavily to the festival mystique: the manipulation of temporal reality and transformation.
4:2 The temporal reality of festival incorporates time in at least two dimensions.
4:3 In the first, the principles of periodicity and rhythm define the experience.
4:4 Not surprisingly, this cyclic pattern is associated with the cycles of the moon in cultures (8)(1. in which 2. of which 3. by which) the lunar calendar is or has been used in recent history.
4:5 With the passage of time festival occurs again and again, marking the cycles of the moon, the annual repetition of the seasons, and the movements of the planets governing the solar calendar.

4:6 Festival occurs calendrically, either on a certain date each month or on a specific date or periodic time each year.
4:7 The cycles of time are the justification for festival, independent of any human agent.
4:8 Unlike rites of passage, which move individuals through time, festival yokes the social group to this cyclic force, (9)(1. breaking 2. establishing 3. changing) contact with the cosmos and the eternal process of time.

■第9段落
9:1 Almost any theme selected by festival will be repeated in many codes, and most behaviors and actions can be found (17)(1. in excess 2. in a clear-cut fashion 3. in some special festivals) .
9:2 Symbolic forms permit the communication of a larger quantity of cultural knowledge because symbols condense messages and carry multiple meanings, offering some ambiguity in meaning.

9:3 Among the most dramatic symbols associated with festival are masks and costumes.
9:4 They (18)(1. take off 2. keep out 3. draw upon) both the familiar and the strange but distinctly transform the human inside into a message bearer — carrying information that may be supernatural, exotic, or mysterious in nature.

■第10段落
10:1 Scholarly interpretations of festival stress the licensed relaxation of norms and rules, a (19)(1. stipulation 2. negation 3. creation) of the social order that opens doors of risk and confronts destruction and recreation.
10:2 Closely associated are themes of revitalization, suggesting that the principles of excess, reversal, repetition, juxtaposition and condensation lead participants to experience transformation and regeneration.
10:3 This may take many forms: personal affirmation, political action, courtship and marriage, social revitalization, and so on.

■第11段落
11:1 Taken as a whole, festival facilitates regeneration through rearrangement of structures, thus creating new frames and processes: consequently, it can strengthen the identity of the group and thus its power to (20)(1. act 2. balance off 3. disappear) in its own interest, or it can contribute to the articulation of social issues and possibly conflict if more than one interpretation prevails on the same subject.
11:2 Because of the social power of these regenerative forms, however, festival thrives in both ancient and modern societies, always enacting social life and shaping the expressive enterprise of human society.

環境情報学部 1997 問1
■第3段落
3:1 And yet we (2) (1. considered 2. are considering 3. had considered) Kubrick an innovator of genius.
3:2 But that is the point; the media have a history but they have no memory (two characteristics that ought to be incompatible).
3:3 The mass media are genealogical because, in them, every new invention sets (3) (1. off 2. out
3. on) a chain reaction of inventions and produces a sort of common language.
3:4 They have no memory because, when the chain of imitations has been produced, no one can remember who started it, and the head of the clan is confused with the latest great grandson.
3:5 (4)(1. Therefore 2. In contrast 3. Furthermore), the media learn ; and thus the spaceships of Star Wars, descended from Kubrick’s, are more complex and plausible than their ancestor, and now the ancestor seems to be their (5) (1 .imitator 2. origin 3. model) .

環境情報学部 1,997 問2
■第1段落
1:1 Just before he died, Aldous Huxley was on the brink of an enormous breakthrough, on the verge of creating a great synthesis between science, religion, and art.
1:2 Many of his ideas are illustrated in his last novel, Island.
1:3 Although Island is not very significant as a work of art, it is very exciting as an essay on what man is capable of becoming.
1:4 The most revolutionary ideas in it are those (1) (1. connecting 2. pertaining 3. conforming) to education, for the educational system in Huxley’s utopia is aimed at radically different goals from the educational system of our own society.

■第2段落
2:1 In our own society we see two sharply different approaches to education.
2:2 On the one hand, there are those who are (2) (1. opposed 2. devoted 3. unaccustomed) to passing on· the knowledge that children need in order to live in our industrialized society.
2:3 They are not especially imaginative or creative, nor do they often question why they are teaching the things they teach.
2:4 Their chief concern is with efficiency, that is, with implanting the greatest number of facts into the greatest possible number of children, with a (3) (1. minimum 2. maximum 3. loss) of time, expense, and effort.
2:5 On the other hand, there is a minority of humanistic ally oriented educators who have as there.
2:6 Goal the creation of better human beings, or in psychological terms, self-actualization and self- transcendence.

■第3段落
3:1 Classroom learning often has as its unspoken goal the reward of pleasing the teacher.
3:2 Children in the usual classroom learn very quickly that creativity is punished, while repeating a memorized response is rewarded, and concentrate on what the teacher wants them to say, rather than understanding the problem.
3:3 Since classroom learning (4) (1. prevails 2. touches 3. focuses) on behavior rather than on thought, the child learns exactly how to behave while keeping his thoughts his own.

■第4段落
4:1 Thought, (5) (1. on the contrary 2. in fact 3. in contrast), is often inimical to extrinsic learning.
4:2 The effects of propaganda, indoctrination, and operant conditioning all disappear with insight.

4:3 Take advertising, for example.
4:4 The simplest medicine for it is the truth.
4:5 You may worry about subliminal advertising and motivational research, but all you need are the data which prove that a particular brand of toothpaste stinks, and you’ll be able to resist all the advertising in the world.
4:6 As another example of the destructive effect of truth upon extrinsic learning, a psychology class played a joke on their professor by secretly conditioning him while he was delivering a lecture on conditioning.

4:7 The professor, without realizing it, learned to nod (i.e., acquired the habit of nodding) more and more, and by the end of the lecture he was nodding continually.
4:8 As soon as the class told the professor what he was doing, however, he stopped nodding, and of course after that no amount of smiling on the part of the class could make him nod again.
4:9 Truth made the learning (6) (1. accumulate 2. progress 3. disappear) .
4:10 Extending this point, we ought to ask ourselves how much classroom learning is actually supported by ignorance, and would be destroyed by insight.

■第5段落
5:1 The difference between the intrinsic and the extrinsic aspects of a college education is (7) (1. illustrated 2. falsified 3. exasperated) by the following story about Upton Sinclair.
5:2 When Sinclair was a young man, he found that he was unable to raise the tuition money needed to attend college.
5:3 Upon careful reading of the college catalogue, however, he found that if a student failed a course, he received no credit for the course, but was obliged to take another course in its place.

5:4 The college did not charge the student for the second course, reasoning that he had already paid once for his credit.
5:5 Sinclair took advantage of this policy and got a free education by (8) (1, unwittingly 2. deliberately 3. carelessly) failing all his courses.

■第6段落
6:1 The phrase “earning a degree” summarizes the (9) (1. merits 2. credits 3. evils) of extrinsically oriented education.
6:2 The student automatically gets his degree after investing a certain number of hours at the university, referred to as credits.
6:3 All the knowledge taught in the university has its “cash value” in credits, with little or no distinction made between various subjects taught at the university.
6:4 Since only the final degree is considered to have any real value, leaving college before the completion of one’s senior year is considered to be a waste of time by society and a minor tragedy by parents.
6:5 You have all heard of the mother (1O) (1. reinforcing 2. bemoaning 3. advocating) her daughter’s foolishness in leaving school to get married during her senior year since the girl’s education had been “wasted.”
6:6 The learning value of spending three years at the university has been completely forgotten.

■第10段落
10:1 What do we mean by the discovery of identity?
10:2 We mean finding out what your real desires and characteristics are, and being able to live in a way that expresses them.
10:3 You learn to be authentic, to be honest in the sense of allowing your behavior and your speech to be the true and spontaneous expressions of your inner feelings.
10:4 Most of us have learned to (14)(1. avoid 2. find 3.expect) authenticity.
10:5 You may be in the middle of a fight, and your guts are writhing with anger, but if the phone rings, you pick it up and sweetly say hello.
10:6 Authenticity is the (15) (1. reproduction 2. induction 3. reduction) of phoniness toward the zero point.

■第12段落
12:1 Another goal which our schools and teachers should be (17) (1. revealing 2. provoking 3. pursuing) is the discovery of vocation, of one’s fate and destiny.
12:2 Part of learning who you are, part of being able to hear your inner voice, is discovering what it is that you want to do with your life.
12:3 Finding one’s identity is almost (18)(1. synonymous 2. incompatible 3. coinciding) with finding one’s career, revealing the altar on which one will sacrifice oneself.
12:4 Finding one’s lifework is a little like finding one’s mate.
12:5 One custom is for young people to “play the field,” to have lots of contacts with people, a love affair or two, and perhaps a serious trial marriage before getting married.
12:6 In this way they discover what they like and don’t like in members of the opposite sex.

12:7 As they become more and more conscious of their own needs and desires, those people who know themselves well enough eventually just find and recognize one another.
12:8 Sometimes very similar things happen when you find your career, your lifework.
12:9 It feels right and suddenly you find that twenty-four hours a day aren’t long enough, and you begin lamenting the shortness of human life.

環境情報学部 1998 問1
■第1段落
1:1 For more than 500 years, the bulk of human knowledge and information has been stored as paper documents.
1:2 You’ve got one in your hands right now (unless you’re reading this from a CD-ROM or a future on-line edition).
1:3 Paper will be with us for the foreseeable future, but its importance as a medium for finding, preserving, and distributing information is already (1)( 1. expanding 2. diminishing 3. stabilizing) .

■第2段落
2:1 When you think of a “document,” you probably visualize one or more pieces of paper with print on them, but that’s a narrow definition.
2:2 A document can be any body of information.
2:3 A newspaper article is a document, but the broadest definition of the word includes a Web page, a TV show, a song, or an interactive video game.
2:4 Because all kinds of information can be stored in digital form, documents containing all kinds of information will get easier and easier to find, store, and send across a network.

2:5 Paper is more (2) (1. suitable 2. reliable 3. awkward) to store and transmit, and its content is pretty much limited to text with drawings and images.
2:6 A digitally stored document can be made (3) (1. out with 2. up with 3. up of) photos, video, audio, programming instructions for interactivity, animation, or a combination of these elements and others.

■第4段落
4:1 But let’s not sell paper documents short.
4:2 The paper-based book, magazine, or newspaper still has a lot of advantages (5)(1. upon 2. over 3. with) its digital counterpart.
4:3 A newspaper offers a wide field of vision, good resolution, portability, and ease of use.
4:4 A book is small, lightweight, high-resolution, and inexpensive compared to the cost of a computer or some other information appliance you need to read a digital document.
4:5 For at least a decade, it won’t be as convenient to read a long, sequential document on a computer screen as on paper.
4:6 {I’ll admit that I’ve done a lot of the editing of this book with a pen on paper.
4:7 I like reading text on paper.}
4:8 The first digital documents that achieve widespread use will offer new (6) (1. functionality 2. productivity 3. reliability) rather than simply duplicate the older medium.
4:9 After all, a television set is larger, more expensive, and (7) (1. more cumbersome 2. more widespread 3. more convenient) and offers lower resolution than a book or a magazine, but that hasn’t limited TV’s popularity.
4:10 Television brought video entertainment into our homes, and it was so (8) (1. aggravating 2. enduring 3. compelling) that television sets found their place alongside our books and magazines.

■第5段落
5:1 Ultimately (9)(1. implicit 2. incremental 3. incidental) improvements in computer and screen technology will give us a lightweight, universal electronic book, or “e-book,” that will approximate today’s paper book.
5:2 Inside a case roughly the same size and weight as today’s hardcover or paperback book, you’ll have a display for high-resolution text, pictures, and video.
5:3 You’ll be able to (10)(1. write 2. flip 3. edit) pages with your finger or use voice commands to search for the passages you want.
5:4 Any document on the network will be accessible from such a device.

■第7段落
7:1 Whenever a new medium comes on the scene, its early content is brought over from other media.
7:2 But to take best advantage of the capabilities of the electronic medium, content needs to be specially authored with the medium in mind.
7:3 Up until just recently most of the on-line content we’ve seen has been (12) (1. “dumped” 2. “rejected” 3. “expelled”) from another source.
7:4 Magazine and newspaper publishers took text already created for paper editions and simply shoved it on-line, often (13) (1. adding 2. modifying 3. deleting) the pictures, charts, and graphics.

7:5 This content was often interesting but it couldn’t compete with the richer forms of information in our lives.
7:6 Now most on-line content from commercial print publishers includes lots of graphics, photos, and links to related information.
7:7 As communications get faster and commercial opportunities become even more (14) (1. Opaque 2.expensive 3.diffused) , more audio and video elements will be brought into on-line content.

■第9段落
9:1 Other than Web pages, very few multimedia documents are being created by PC users so far.

9:2 It still takes too much effort.
9:3 Millions of people have camcorders and make videos of their kids or their vacations.
9:4 But to edit video right now you have to be a professional with expensive equipment.
9:5 This will change.
9:6 Advances in PC word processors and desktop publishing software have already made professional-quality tools for creating sophisticated paper documents available relatively inexpensively to millions of people.
9:7 Desktop publishing software has progressed to the point that many magazines and newspapers are produced with the same sort of PC and software packages you can buy at any local computer store and use to design an invitation to your daughter’s birthday party.
9:8 PC software for editing film and creating special effects will become as (16) (1. mediocre 2. commonplace 3. outdated) as desktop publishing software.
9:9 At that point the difference between professionals and amateurs will be one of talent and craft rather than access to tools

■第12段落
12:1 I expect multimedia experimentation to continue into the next decade, and the one after that, and so on indefinitely.
12:2 The multimedia components appearing in documents on the net today are (19) (1. an analysis 2. a rejection 3. a synthesis) of current media — and they often do a clever job of enriching communication.
12:3 But over time we’ll start to create new multimedia forms and formats that will enable us to go significantly beyond what we’re able to do now.
12:4 The exponential expansion of computing power will keep changing the tools and opening up new possibilities that might seem as remote and farfetched then as some of the things I’ve speculated about here might seem today.
12:5 Talent and creativity have always shaped advances in unpredictable ways.

■第13段落
13:1 How many have the talent to become a Steven Spielberg, a Jane Austen, or an Albert Einstein?
13:2 We know there has been at least one of each, and maybe one is all we’re allotted.
13:3 I can’t help but believe, though, that the potential and aspirations of many talented people have been (20) (1. encouraged 2. thwarted 3.supported) by economics and a lack of tools.
13:4 New technology will offer people new means with which to express themselves.
13:5 The internet will open up undreamed-of artistic and scientific opportunities to a new generation of geniuses — and to everybody else, too.

環境情報学部 1998 問2
■第1段落
1:1 We all know how pearls are made.
1:2 When a grain of grit accidentally slips into an oyster’s shell, the oyster (1)( 1. digests 2. encloses 3 .endangers) it, secreting more and more of a thick, smooth mucous that hardens in
microscopic layer after layer over the foreign irritation until it becomes a perfectly smooth, round, hard, shiny thing of beauty.
1:3 The oyster thereby transforms both the grit and itself into something new, transforming the (2) (1. irrigation 2. interaction 3. intrusion) of error or otherness into its system, completing the gestalt according to its own oyster nature.

■第3段落
3:1 In school, in the workplace, in learning an art or sport, we are· taught to fear, hide, or avoid mistakes.
3:2 But mistakes are of incalculable value to us.
3:3 There is first the value of mistakes as the raw material of learning.
3:4 If we don’t make mistakes, we are (3) (1. difficult 2. impossible 3. unlikely) to make anything at all.
3:5 Tom Watson, for many years the head of IBM, said, “Good judgment comes from experience.
3:6 Experience comes from bad judgment.”
3:7 But more important, mistakes and accidents can be the irritating grains that become pearls; they present us with unforeseen opportunities, they are (4) (1. fresh 2. ambitious 3. misleading) sources of inspiration in and of themselves.
3:8 We come to regard our obstacles as ornaments, as opportunities to be exploited and explored.

■第5段落
5:1 Freud illuminated the fascinating way in which slips of the tongue (5) (1. recall 2. reveal 3. recognize) unconscious material.
5:2 The unconscious is the very bread and butter of the artist, so mistakes and slips of all kinds are to be treasured as priceless information from beyond and within.

■第8段落
8:1 Equipment breaks down, it is Sunday night, the stores are all closed, and the audience is arriving in an hour.
8:2 You are forced to do a little bricolage, improvising some new and crazy device.
8:3 Then you attain some of your best moments.
8:4 Ordinary objects or trash suddenly become valuable working materials, and your perceptions of what you need and what you don’t need (7)( 1. adversely 2. radically 3. momentarily) shift.
8:5 Among the things I love so much about performing are those totally unforeseen, impossible calamities.
8:6 In life, as in a Zen koan, we create by shifting our perspective to the point at which interruptions are the answer.
8:7 The (8) (1. sharpening 2. relaxation 3. redirection) of attention involved in incorporating the accident into the flow of our work frees us to see the interruption with new eyes, and find the alchemical gold in it.

■第10段落
10:1 A “mistake” on the violin : I have been playing some pattern : 1, 2, 3, 6 ; 1, 2, 3, 6.
10:2 Suddenly I make a slip and play 1, 2, 3, 7, 6.
10:3 It doesn’t matter to me at the time whether I have broken a rule or not; what matters is what I do in the next tenth of a second.
10:4 I can adopt the traditional attitude, treating what I have done as (10) (1. a mistake 2. and improvisation 3. and innovation) : Don’t do it again, hope it doesn’t happen again, and in the meantime, feel guilty.
10:5 Or I can repeat it, amplify it, and develop it further until it becomes a new pattern.
10:6 Or beyond that I can drop neither the old pattern nor the new one but discover the unforeseen context that includes both of them.

■第11段落
11:1 An “accident” on the violin: I am playing outdoors at night, in misty hills.
11:2 Romantic?
11:3 Yes.
11:4 But also humid.
11:5 The cold and the humidity take all the poop out of the bottom string, which suddenly (11)(1. tightens 2. thickens 3. slackens) and goes out of tune.
11:6 Out of tune with what?
11:7 Out of tune with my (12) (1. preposterous 2. preconceived 3. presumptuous) bench mark of “in tune.”
11:8 Again I can take the same three approaches.
11:9 I can tune it back up and pretend that nothing happened.
11:10 I can play the flabby string as is, finding the new harmonies and textures it contains.
11:11 A low, thick string, when it goes flabby, not only becomes lower in pitch, but because of the flabbiness will give to the bow’s weight much more (13)( 1. easily 2. seriously 3. deeply) and will produce (if lightly touched) more breathy and resonant tones than a normal string.
11:12 I can have a lot of fun down there in the viola’s tonal sub-basement.
11:13 Or I can detune it even further, until it comes into some new and interesting harmonic relation with the other strings.
11:14 Now I have, instantly, a brand-new instrument with a new and different sonic shape.

■第13段落
13:1 The history of science, as we well know, is liberally (15) ( 1. peppered 2. preoccupied 3. prepared) with stories of essential discoveries seeded by mistakes and accidents: Fleming’s discovery of penicillin, thanks to the dust-borne mold that contaminated his petri dish; Roentgen’s discovery of X-rays, thanks to the careless handling of a photographic plate.
13:2 Time after time, the quirks and mishaps that one might be tempted to reject as “bad data” are often the best.
13:3 Many spiritual traditions point up the vitality we gain by reseeding the value of what we may have rejected as insignificant: “The stone which the builders refused,” sing the Psalms of David, “has come to be the cornerstone.”

■第14段落
14:1 The power of mistakes enables us to (16) (1. reinvent 2. retain 3. reframe) creative blocks and turn them around.
14:2 Sometimes the very sin of omission or commission for which we’ve been kicking ourselves may be the seed of our best work.
14:3 The troublesome parts of our work, the parts that are most baffling and frustrating, are in fact the growing edges.
14:4 We see these opportunities the instant we (17) (1. deduce 2. drop 3. delineate) our preconceptions and our self-importance.

環境情報学部 1,999 問2
■第2段落
2:1 Science considers anthropomorphism toward animals a grave mistake, even a sin.
2:2 It is common in science to speak of “committing” anthropomorphism.
2:3 The term originally was religious, referring to the (1)(1. modifying 2. shaping 3.assigning) of human form or characteristics to God — the hierarchical error of acting as though the merely human could be (2)(1. divine 2. secular 3. religious) — hence the connotation of sin.
2:4 In the long article on anthropomorphism in the 1908 Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, the author (Frank B. Jevons) writes: “The tendency to (3)(1. personify 2. imitate 3. create) objects — whether objects of sense or objects of thought — which is found in animals and children as well as in savages, is the origin of anthropomorphism.”
2:5 Men, the idea goes, create gods in their own image.
2:6 The best-known example of this tendency comes from the Greek author Xenophanes (fifth century B.C.).
2:7 He notes that Ethiopians represent the gods as black, Thracians depict them as blue-eyed and red-haired, and “if oxen and horses … had hands and could paint” their images of gods would depict oxen and horses.
2:8 The philosopher Ludwig Feuerbach concluded that God is nothing but our (4)(1. injection 2. projection 3. introspection) , on a celestial screen, of the essence of man.
2:9 In science, the sin against hierarchy is to assign human characteristics to animals.
2:10 Just as humans could not be like God, now animals cannot be like humans (note who has taken God’s place).

■第3段落
3:1 Young scientists are indoctrinated with the gravity of this error.
3:2 As animal behaviorist* David McFarland explains, “They often have to be specially trained to (5)(1. describe 2.accept 3. resist) the temptation to interpret the behavior of other species in terms of their normal behavior-recognition mechanisms.”
3:3 In his recent book The New Anthropomorphism, behaviorist John S. Kennedy laments, “The scientific study of animal behavior was inevitably marked from birth by its anthropomorphic parentage and to a significant extent it still is.
3:4 It has had to struggle to free itself from this erroneous approach and the struggle is not over.

3:5 Anthropomorphism (6)(1. remains 2. restructures 3. recognizes) much more of a problem than most of today’s neobehaviorists believed….
3:6 If the study of animal behavior is to mature as a science, the process of (7)1. cancellation 2. liberation 3. interference) from the delusions of anthropomorphism must go on.”
3:7 His hope is that “anthropomorphism will be brought under control, even if it cannot be cured completely.
3:8 Although it is probably programmed into us genetically as well as being learned culturally, that does not mean the disease is untreatable.”

■第4段落
4:1 To accuse a scientist of anthropomorphism is to make a severe criticism of unreliability.
4:2 It is regarded as a species-confusion, a forgetting of the line between subject and object.
4:3 To assign thoughts or feelings to a creature known incapable of them would, indeed, be a problem.
4:4 But to ascribe to an animal emotions such as joy or sorrow is only anthropomorphic error if one knows that animals cannot feel such emotions.
4:5 Many scientists have made this decision, but not on the basis of evidence.
4:6 The situation is not so much that emotion is denied but that it is regarded as too dangerous — such a minefield of (8)(1. relativity 2. objectivity 3.subjectivity) that no investigation of it should take place.
4:7 As a result, all but the most prominent scientists (9)(1. obtain 2. risk 3. establish) their reputations and credibility in venturing into this area.
4:8 Thus many scientists may actually believe that animals have emotions, but be unwilling not only to say that they believe it, but unwilling to study it or encourage their students to investigate it.

4:9 They may also (10)(1. defend 2. attack 3. copy) other scientists who try to use the language of the emotions.
4:10 Nonscientists who seek to retain scientific credibility must tread carefully.
4:11 An administrator at one internationally known animal training institute remarked, “We don’t take a position on whether animals have emotions, but I’m sure if you talked to any one of us we’d say ‘Sure they have emotions.’
4:12 But as an organization we would not want to be (11)(1. depicted 2. anticipated 3. rejected) as saying they have emotions.”

■第5段落
5:1 From the belief that anthropomorphism is a desperate error, a sin or a disease, flow further research (12)(1.taboos 2. incentives 3. interests) , including rules that dictate use of language.
5:2 A monkey cannot be angry; it exhibits aggression.
5:3 A crane does not feel affection; it (13)1.conceals 2. displays 3. prohibits) courtship or parental behavior.
5:4 A cheetah is not frightened by a lion; it shows flight behavior.
5:5 In keeping with this, Frans de Waal’s use of the word reconciliation in reference to chimpanzees who come together after a fight has been criticized: Wouldn’t it be more objective to say “first postconflict contact”?
5:6 In the struggle to be objective, this kind of language employs distance and the refusal to (14)(1. maneuver 2. manage 3. identify) with another creature’s pain.

■第6段落
6:1 Against this scientific orthodoxy, the biologist Julian Huxley has argued that to imagine oneself into the life of another animal is both scientifically (15)(1. avoidable 2. predictable 3. justifiable) and productive of knowledge.
6:2 Huxley introduced one of the most extraordinary accounts of a deep and emotional tie between a human being and a free-living lioness, Joy Adamson’s Living Free, as follows:
6:3 When people like Mrs.Adamson (or Darwin for that matter) interpret an animal’s gestures or postures with the aid of psychological terms — anger or curiosity, affection or jealousy — the strict behaviorist (16)1. relieves 2. deprives 3. accuses) them of anthropomorphism, of seeing a human mind at work within the animal’s skin.
6:4 This is not necessarily so.
6:5 The true ethologist* must be evolution-minded.
6:6 After all, he is a mammal.
6:7 To give the fullest possible interpretation of behavior he must have (17)(1. recourse 2. resistance 3. immunity) to a language that will apply to his fellow-mammals as well as to his fellow- man.
6:8 And such a language must employ subjective as well as objective terminology — fear as well as impulse to flee, curiosity as well as exploratory urge, maternal solitude in all its modulations in welcome addition to goodness knows what complication of behaviorist terminology.

■第8段落
8:1 The real problem underlying many of the criticisms of anthropomorphism is actually anthropocentrism.
8:2 Placing humans at the center of all interpretation, observation, and concern, and dominant men at the center of that, has led to some of the worst errors in science, whether in astronomy, psychology, or animal behavior.
8:3 Anthropocentrism treats animals as (18)(1. superior 2. inferior 3. compatible) forms of people and denies what they really are.
8:4 It reflects a passionate wish to (19)(1. differentiate 2. alienate 3. dismiss) ourselves from animals, to make animals other, presumably in order to maintain humans at the top of the evolutionary hierarchy and the food chain.
8:5 The notion that animals are wholly other from humans, despite our common ancestry, is more(20) (1. likely 2. rational 3. irrational) than the notion that they are like us.

環境情報学部 2,000 問1、
■第2段落
2:1 Identifying why it was so strong challenges our [1] (1. interest 2. objective 3. understanding) of the physical mechanisms responsible for El Niño.
2:2 This is more than simply an academic question: the 1997-98 El Niño severely disrupted global weather patterns and Pacific marine ecosystems, and by one estimate caused $33 billion in damage and cost 23,000 lives [2](1. locally 2. worldwide 3. in the space) .
2:3 There were warnings of a coming El Niño before it occurred.
2:4 But although many computer forecast models predicted that 1997 would be warm in the tropical Pacific up to three seasons in advance, none predicted the rapid development or ultimate intensity of the event before it began.
2:5 Clearly we have much to learn from this experience.

■第3段落
3:1 El Niño, Spanish for ‘the child’ (and specifically the Christ child), is the name Peruvian fishermen gave to coastal sea temperature [3](1. silence 2. coldness 3. warmings) that first appeared around Christmas time.
3:2 Now El Niño more generally refers to a warming of the tropical Pacific basin that occurs roughly [4] (1. every 2. any 3. some) three to seven years in association with a weakening of the trade winds.
3:3 The opposite side of El Niño, La Niña, is characterized by stronger-than-normal trade winds and unusually cold sea-surface temperatures in the tropical Pacific.
3:4 Both El Niño and La Niña are [5] (1. disrupted 2. exchanged 3. accompanied) by swings in atmospheric pressure between the eastern and western Pacific.
3:5 These swings are known as the Southern Oscillation.
3:6 These phenomena are collectively [6] (1. preferred 2. referred to 3. gathered) as ENSO or El Niño/Southern Oscillation.
3:7 At the moment, a strong La Niña is evident in the tropical Pacific, with several (but not all) forecast models predicting a return to [7] (1. abnormal 2. formal 3. normal) by the end of 1999.

■第5段落
5:1 Nonetheless, the 1997-98 El Niño was an unusual one.
5:2 It developed so rapidly that every month between June and December 1997 set a new [10] (1. annually 2. monthly 3. weekly) record high for sea-surface temperatures in the eastern equatorial Pacific.
5:3 Anomalies (that is, deviations from normal) in December 1997 were the highest ever recorded along the Equator in the eastern Pacific.
5:4 Moreover, before 1997-98, the previous record setting El Niño occurred in 1982-83.

5:5 These two ‘super El Niños’ were [11] (1. similar 2. different 3. separated) by only 15 years, compared with a typical 30-40 year gap between such events earlier this century.

■第6段落
6:1 Several factors may have contributed to the [12] (1. strength 2. Weakness 3. Calmness) of the 1997-98 El Niño.
6:2 One is chaos, which some theories invoke to account for the irregularity of the ENSO cycle.
6:3 Nonlinear resonances involving ENSO and the seasonal cycle have received special attention, but other chaotic interactions may affect ENSO as well.
6:4 In 1997-98, events possibly acted together to produce an extraordinarily strong El Niño simply due to the underlying tendency towards chaos in the climate system.
6:5 A related issue is [13] (1. another 2. that 3. in case) of weather ‘noise.’
6:6 Weather phenomena, inherently unpredictable more than about two weeks [14] (1. in advance 2. ago 3. later), are a source of random forcing in the climate system.
6:7 In the tropical Pacific, weather events occurring at the right time, and on time and space scales [15] (1. for 2. in 3. to) which the ocean is sensitive, can markedly alter the evolution of the ENSO cycle.

■第7段落
7:1 One notable source of weather in the tropics is the Madden Julian Oscillation(MJO), a wave-like disturbance in the atmosphere with a period of 30-60 days that originates over the Indian Ocean.
7:2 It could have been that the ocean got a healthy kick from the MJO at just the right time to send it on a course towards record [16] (1. cold 2. low 3. high) temperatures.
7:3 The tropical Pacific was preconditioned for the beginning of an EI Nino by the build-up of excess heat in the western equatorial Pacific due to stronger than normal trade winds in 1995-96.
7:4 However, beginning in late 1996, the MJO was particularly energetic, and several cycles of the wave amplified through nonlinear ocean-atmosphere interactions [17](1. since 2. as 3. because)they passed over the western Pacific.
7:5 This set in motion a series of positive feedbacks between the ocean and the atmosphere which reinforced initial MJO-induced warming.

■第8段落
8:1 Another [18] (1. possibility 2. advantage 3. source) is that the ENSO cycle may be interacting with the Pacific Decadal* Oscillation (PDO) — which, as the name [19] (1. compels 2. implies 3. occasions), is a naturally occurring oscillation of the coupled ocean- atmosphere system in the Pacific with a period of several decades.
8:2 In association with the PDO, sea surface temperatures have generally been higher in the tropical Pacific from the mid-1970s.
8:3 Since then, there have been more EI Nanos than La Niña’s.
8:4 The early 1990s was a [20] (1. length 2. duration 3. period) of extended warmth in the tropical Pacific, and two super EI Nanos occurred.
8:5 The PDO may be one of the reasons for the observed decadal changes of the ENSO cycle, because it affects the background conditions on which ENSO events develop.
8:6 From that perspective, the strength of the 1997-98 EI Nino may be but one manifestation of a linkage between internal and decadal climate variations in the Pacific.

環境情報学部 2,000 問2
■第2段落
2:1 When the photograph first appeared, it accompanied a story of the famine that has once again [1] (1. moved 2. solved 3. resulted from) political violence and the chaos of civil war in the southern Sudan.
2:2 The Times’ self-congratulatory account fails to adequately evoke the image’s shocking effect.
2:3 The child is [2] (1. much 2. hardly 3. a little) larger than an infant; she is naked; she appears bowed over in weakness and sickness, incapable, it would seem, [3] (1. from 2. of
3. for) moving; she is unprotected.
2:4 No mother, no family, no one is present to prevent her from being attacked by the vulture, or succumbing to starvation and then being eaten.
2:5 The image suggests that she has been abandoned.
2:6 Why?
2:7 The reader again is led to imagine various [4] ( 1. scenarios 2. styles 3. collections) of suffering: she has been lost in the chaos of forced uprooting; her family has died ; she has been deserted near death in order for her mother to [5] ( 1. keep up with 2 .get rid of 3. hold on to) more viable children.
2:8 The image’s great success is that it causes the reader to want to know more.
2:9 Why is this innocent victim of civil war and famine unprotected?
2:10 The vulture embodies danger and evil, but the greater dangers and real forces of evil are not in the “natural world”; they are in the political world, [6] (1. including 2. predicting 3. speaking of) those nearby in army uniforms or in government offices in Khartoum.
2:11 Famine has become a political strategy in the Sudan.

■第6段落
6:1 Watching and reading about suffering, especially suffering that exists [11]( 1. in the past 2. nowhere 3. somewhere else) , has become a form of entertainment.
6:2 Images of trauma are part of our political economy.
6:3 Papers are sold, television programs gain [12] (1. audience share 2. no program 3. less time) , careers are advanced, jobs are created, and prizes are awarded through the consumption and appropriation of images of suffering.
6:4 Kevin Carter won the Pulitzer Prize, but his victory, substantial [13] (1. for 2. as 3. like) it was, was won because of the misery (and probably death) of a nameless little girl.
6:5 That [14] (1. least 2. more 3. less) dubious side of the appropriation of human misery in the globalization of cultural processes is what must be addressed.

■第7段落
7:1 One message that comes across from viewing suffering from a distance is that [15] (1. based on 2. together with 3. for all) the havoc and chaos in Western society, we are somehow better than this African society.
7:2 We gain in moral status, and some of our organizations gain financially and politically, while those whom we represent, or appropriate, remain where they are, slowly dying, surrounded by [16] ( 1. vultures 2. chance 3. mistake) .
7:3 This “consumption” of suffering in an era of so-called “disordered capitalism” is not so very different from the late nineteenth-century view that the savage barbarism in non- Christian lands justified the valuing of our own civilization at a higher level of development
— a view that authorized colonial exploitation.
7:4 Both are [17] (1. forms 2. aware 3. ignorant) of cultural representation in which the moral, the commercial, and the political are deeply involved in each other.
7:5 The point is that the image of the vulture and the child carries cultural entailments, including the brutal history of colonialism as well as the dubious cultural baggage of the more recent programs of “modernization” and globalization (of markets and financing), that have too often [18] ( 1. improved 2. worsened 3. overcame) human problems in sub- Saharan Africa.

■第9段落
9:1 The photograph is a professional transformation of social life, a politically relevant rhetoric, a constructed form that ironically naturalizes experience.
9:2 As Michael Shapiro puts it,
… representation is the absence of presence, but because the real is never wholly present to us — how it is real for us is always [20](1. cut 2. gone 3. mediated) through some representational practice — we lose something when we think of representation as mimetic (or the exact copy of reality) …

環境情報学部 2,001 問1、
■第3段落
3:1 How do children do it?
3:2 It is possible that Project Washoe may indicate an answer.
3:3 This project was an attempt to teach a form of human language, namely American Sign Language, or ASL, to a chimpanzee named Washoe.
3:4 She acquired about 240 signs and produced them in sequences.
3:5 Her progress in learning ASL could help answer the question by [2] (1. pulling 2.switching 3. Shedding) light on the origins of language.
3:6 Until she began signing, it was assumed that sometime after our ancestors diverged from Washoe’s ancestors about six million years ago, we evolved an anatomical structure that enabled us to develop language.
3:7 But if Washoe could learn a human sign language it meant that the common ancestor of both humans and chimps also must have had the [3] (1. capacity 2. longing 3. admiration) for gestural communication.

■第5段落
5:1 You may think that linguists welcomed Project Was hoes attempt to map out a likely pathway for the evolution of human language.
5:2 But this pathway pointed in a direction that utterly [7] (1. Supported 2.contradicte 3. reinforced)a theory of language acquisition that was widely accepted in the 1960s.

■第8段落
8:1 [10](1.Unexpectedly 2. Fortunately 3. Obviously) , if a universal grammar did exist, no human two year-old would be able to learn such a complex system.
8:2 So Chomsky suggested that every child is born with a “language acquisition device” that already has the universal grammar built in.
8:3 According to Chomsky, the universal grammar was part of a child’s genetic makeup, making language unique to humans.

■第9段落
9:1 Chomsky said that the language acquisition device — or “language organ” — was located in the left hemisphere of the brain, but there is no anatomical [11] (1. counterpart 2. hypothesis 3. evidence) to support this.
9:2 But anatomy aside, the language device was a reasonable hypothesis for explaining how children acquired language.
9:3 What was not reasonable, however, was Chomsky’s [12] (1. suggestion 2. criticism 3. analogy)that such a device was unique to humans.
9:4 There simply wasn’t enough time, in the brief six million year period since humans diverged from apes, for evolution to add on a completely new brain structure.
9:5 This “add on” scenario was at odds with the laws of biology.
9:6 The primate brain did not evolve like an ever-expanding house, adding on new rooms as it grew from monkey ancestor to ape ancestor to human.
9:7 Instead, evolution was continually [13](1.abandoning 2. reorganizing 3. eliminating) what it already had taking old structures and putting them to use for new mental tasks.

■第11段落
11:1 From the viewpoint of biologists, this has always been the problem with the language acquisition device.
11:2 Whenever we study [15] (1.account for 2. discount 3. calculate) its evolutionary development from ancestral species.
11:3 Linguists, however, did not consider evolutionary constraints.
11:4 They simply assumed a discontinuity between humans and apes and worked on the assumption that human language stood [16] (1. outside 2. inside 3. beside) the animal kingdom.
11:5 To Chomsky, human language bore no relation to any other form of animal communication.

■第12段落
12:1 It is easy to see how Chomsky reached this conclusion.
12:2 He did not study language as social communication, namely, the face-to-face interactions between humans that integrate words, intonation, and body language.
12:3 The way people speak is [17] (1. based upon 2. similar to 3. different from) the visual grammar of ASL.
12:4 In ASL I can color the sentence “I feel good” with different shades of meaning — from “cautiously good” to “unbelievably good” — by altering the height or speed of my sign.
12:5 When speaking English, I can use tone and facial expression to color the word “good” with the same shadings.

■第13段落
13:1 By focusing on words on the page, Chomsky [18] (1. placed 2. removed 3. interpreted)language from its social context.
13:2 All the face-to-face signaling behaviors we share with chimpanzees were considered unimportant; the idea of a chimpanzee learning language was considered [19] (1.absurd 2. ambiguous 3. acceptable) .
13:3 Chomsky said it was like an island of birds that had the power to fly but had never done so; if chimps had an innate capacity to use language, they’d already be talking in the wild.

■第14段落
14:1 Of course chimpanzees have been using gestural communication in the wild for millions of years, and their dialects of hand movement, facial expression, and body language look like the nonverbal elements of human language.
14:2 Those of us in Project Washoe looked at chimpanzee gesture and saw the roots of human language.
14:3 But Chomsky had already [20] (1. disputed 2. proved 3. decided) that human gesture is not linguistic.
14:4 So whatever chimpanzees were doing in the wild, their gestural dialects could not be related in any way to human language.

環境情報学部 2,001 問2、
■第2段落
2:1 It is estimated that, in the past 20 years, ten million breeding individuals of ten species of farmland birds have disappeared from the British countryside.
2:2 The decline in bird numbers in part [1](1. reflects 2. reviews 3. revises) the decline of those insects and plant populations upon which they depend.

■第3段落
3:1 [2](1. Opposite 2. Particular 3. Parallel) changes have taken place in many other European countries, although these have not been documented in as much detail as in Britain, where censuses are carried out by the British Trust for Ornithology (BTO).
3:2 In all, 116 species of farmland birds — one fifth of European birds — are now of conservation concern.

■第4段落
4:1 Rachel Carson’s classic 1963 books Silent Spring [3](1. announced 2. alerted 3. altered) the public to the toxic side effects sofa insecticides, such as DDT, that had fueled the green revolution.

4:2 Traces of these chemicals were found to persist in the food chain, reaching higher [4](1. worries 2. concentrations 3. weights) , and hence having more severe effects, at successive levels in the food chain.
4:3 They were identified as the cause of rapid population decline in birds of prey, such as falcons and hawks, through the thinning of eggshells.
4:4 The offending chemicals have now been [5](1. phased out 2. accumulated 3. retained) in the United Kingdom and many other countries, but their use is still increasing in some parts of the world.

■第6段落
6:1 Can we be sure that the bird declines in the United Kingdom are caused by agricultural intensification?
6:2 Although the cause of these declines has not been proven, there are some suggestive figures.
6:3 For example, annual BTO censuses of 42 species of breeding birds show that 13 species living[8](1. exclusively 2. prevalently 3. geographically) in farmland declined by an average of 30% between 1968 and 1995, while 29 species of birds that can live anywhere have increased by an average of 23%.

■第8段落
8:1 The United Kingdom has three agricultural schemes that could have benefits for [11] (1.intensification 2. biodiversity 3. revolution) .
8:2 Two of these schemes, the Environmentally Sensitive Areas and the Countryside Stewardship Scheme, both subsidize* farmers to preserve traditional landscape features.
8:3 Between them they cover about 12.5% of agricultural land.
8:4 Unfortunately, there are few data to [12](1. demonstrate 2. experiment 3. authorize) whether or not these schemes have benefits for biodiversity, although some habitats have been preserved or restored.
8:5 A third scheme, “set-aside,” subsidizes farmers to leave some fields uncultivated.
8:6 The available data show that set-aside can be beneficial for birds and other wildlife.
8:7 But set-aside will probably be discontinued early in the 21st century.
8:8 Although we can, as described above, devise schemes that may help a traditional environment or individual species to [13](1. recover 2. conserve 3. adhere) , there appears to be no single program or combination of programs that can reverse the decline in a large general population such as farmland birds.
8:9 Therefore, the most general prescription seems to be to reverse the intensification of agriculture as a whole.

■第9段落
9:1 A slightly more specific prescription comes from the habitat heterogeneity and lower intensive agriculture found in the concepts of organic farming.
9:2 Although several comparisons of organic and conventional farms have [14](1. recommended 2. Suggested 3. Guaranteed) that organic farming is good for biodiversity, this benefit probably relates to such features as crop diversity and maintenance of natural field borders rather than to any “belief” in organic farming.
9:3 Although there have been no systematic comparisons of the biodiversity benefits of organic and other “wildlife friendly” farming methods, it seems that heterogeneous landscapes are good for birds.

■第10段落
10:1 On a larger scale, there are unresolved questions for conservation ecology about the [15](1. moral values 2. policy decisions 3. relative merits) of a less intensive, more environmentally friendly agriculture throughout the countryside on the Eastern European model versus a highly intensive agriculture in breadbasket regions with separate, large nature reserves on the North American model.
10:2 The United Kingdom is probably too small for the North American model, but one could imagine some form of it on a Europe wide basis, especially if reduced subsidies were to make agricultural production [16](1. unresponsive 2. unrealized 3.uneconomic) in some areas, and instead conservation were to be subsidized.

■第11段落
11:1 In the United Kingdom, as in most of Europe, people have made the landscape.
11:2 This means that the characteristic habitats and species that conservationists wish to preserve are generally there because of traditional land management rather than [17](1. in spite of 2. in conjunction with 3. in consequence of) it.
11:3 The future shape and purpose of the countryside is society’s choice.
11:4 At present, most of those in the United Kingdom who voice an opinion would prefer a countryside in which agricultural production is moderated with conservation.
11:5 And on a worldwide stage this makes sense for a sustainable future: the green revolution gave success at a price, and that price cannot be paid [18](1. finally 2. indefinitely 3. absolutely) .

環境情報学部 2002 問1、
■第5段落
5:1 How can social scientists measure something as hard to pin down as happiness?
5:2 Most researchers simply ask people to report their feelings of happiness or unhappiness and to[3](1. count 2. assess 3. realize) how satisfying their lives are.
5:3 Such self-reported well-being is moderately consistent over years of retesting.
5:4 Furthermore, those who say they are happy and satisfied seem happy to their close friends and family members and to a psychologist interviewer.
5:5 Their daily mood ratings reveal more positive emotions, and they smile more than those who call themselves unhappy.
5:6 Self-reported happiness also links to other [4](1. indicators 2. futures 3. formations) of well- being.
5:7 Compared with the depressed, happy people are less self-focused, less hostile and abusive and less susceptible to disease.

■第6段落
6:1 Researchers have found that the even distribution of happiness cuts across almost all demographic classifications of age, economic class, race and educational level.
6:2 In addition, almost all [5](1. research 2. study 3.real) strategies for assessing subjective well- being turn up similar findings.

■第9段落
9:1 Wealth is also a poor [8](1. predictor 2. fortune-teller 3. future) of happiness.
9:2 People have not become happier over time as their cultures have increased in wealth.
9:3 Even though Americans earn twice as much in today’s dollars as they did in 1957, the proportion of those telling interviewers from the National Opinion Research Center that they are “very happy” has declined from 35 to 29 percent.

■第10段落
10:1 Even very rich people — those surveyed among Forbes magazine’s 100 wealthiest Americans — are only slightly happier than the average American.
10:2 Those whose income has increased over a ten-year period are not happier than those whose income is stagnant.
10:3 Indeed in most nations the [9](1. collaboration 2. equation 3. correlation) between income and happiness is negligible — only in the poorest countries, such as Bangladesh, is income a good measure of emotional well-being.

■第11段落
11:1 Are people in rich countries happier, by and large, than the people in not so rich countries?
11:2 It appears in general that they are, but the margin may not be very large.
11:3 In Portugal, for example, only one in ten people reports being very happy, [10](1. whereas 2. whereby 3.wherefore) in the much more prosperous Netherlands the proportion of very happy people is four in ten.
11:4 Yet there are curious exceptions in this correlation between national wealth and well-being — the Irish during the 1980’s consistently reported greater life satisfaction than the wealthier West Germans.
11:5 Furthermore, other factors, such as civil rights, literacy and the duration of democratic government, all of which also [11](1. accept 2. promote 3.prove) a sense of life satisfaction, tend to go hand in hand with national wealth.
11:6 As a result, it is impossible to tell whether the happiness of people in wealthier nations is based on money or is a byproduct of other important aspects of life.

■第13段落
13:1 In a large number of studies, four traits [12](1.diminish 2. evaluate 3.characterize) happy people.
13:2 First, especially in individualistic Western cultures, they like themselves.
12:3 They have high self-esteem and usually believe themselves to be more ethical, more intelligent, less prejudiced, better able to get along with others and healthier than the average person.
13:4 Second, happy people typically feel personal control.
13:5 Those with little or no control over their lives — such as prisoners, nursing home patients, severely impoverished groups or individuals, and citizens of totalitarian regimes — suffer lower morale* and worse [13](1. happiness 2. health 3. success) .
13:6 Third, happy people are usually optimistic.
13:7 Fourth, most happy people are extroverted*.
13:8 Although one might expect that introverts* would live more happily in the calmness of their less stressed, contemplative lives, extroverts are happier — whether alone or with others.

■第14段落
14:1 The correlation between these apparent connections is uncertain.
14:2 Does happiness make people more outgoing, or are outgoing people more likely to be happy, perhaps explaining why they marry sooner, get better jobs and make more friends?
14:3 If extrovert traits do indeed [14] (1. excel 2. predict 3.infect) happiness, people might become happier by acting in certain ways.
14:4 In experiments people who pretend to have high self-esteem report feeling more positively about themselves, for example.

■第15段落
15:1 Whatever the reason, the close personal relationships that characterize happy lives are also correlated with health.
15:2 Compared with loners, those who can name several [15] (1.aged 2.intimate 3.social) friends are healthier and less likely to die prematurely.
15:3 For nine out of ten people, the most significant alternative to aloneness is marriage.
15:4 Although a broken marriage can cause much misery, a good marriage apparently is a strong source of support.
15:5 During the 1970s and 1980s, 39 percent of married adults told the National Opinion Research Center they were “very happy,” as compared with 24 percent of those who had never married.
15:5 In other surveys, only 12 percent of those who had divorced [16](1. perceived 2. correlated 3. persuaded) themselves to be “very happy.”

15:6 The happiness gap between the married and never married was similar for men and women.

■第16段落
16:1 Religiously active people also report greater happiness.
16:2 One survey found that highly religious people were twice as likely as those lowest in spiritual commitment to declare them very happy.
16:3 Other surveys, including a collaborative study of 166,000 people in 16 nations, have found that reported happiness and life satisfaction [17] (1. rise 2. relate 3.register) with the strength of religious affiliation and frequency of attendance at worship services.
16:4 Some researchers believe that religious affiliation [18] (1. equates 2. encourages 3. evolves)greater social support and hopefulness.

■第17段落
17:1 Researchers on happiness are now beginning to examine happy people’s exercise routines, worldviews and goals.
17:2 It is possible that some of the [19](1. traditions 2. customs 3. patterns) discovered in the research may offer clues for transforming circumstances and behaviors that work against well- being into ones that promote it.
17:3 Ultimately, then, the scientific study of happiness could help us understand how to build a world that [20] (1. enhances 2. evaluates 3. examines) human well-being and to aid people in getting the most satisfaction from their circumstances.

環境情報学部 2002 問2
■第2段落
2:1 Recently, Dr. Gyllensten of the University of Uppsala in Sweden and his colleagues have conducted the most thorough analysis yet of diversity in human mitochondrial DNA*.
2:2 The results support the [2](1. view 2. process 3. nature) that modern humans originated in Africa.
2:3 The analysis of mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) has become an important tool in this debate on human evolution.
2:4 This is [3](1. due to 2. created by 3.made from) the fact that mtDNA is inherited solely from the mother and does not change as much as cellular DNA from generation to generation, and therefore can offer evidence of human mitochondrial lineages*.

■第4段落
4:1 Our closest living relatives are African apes, so why is an African origin for modern humans [6] (1. advantageous 2. discovered 3. controversial) ?
4:2 The reason is that our immediate ancestors, now extinct, are known to have wandered out of Africa as early as two million years ago.
4:3 The [7](1 .main 2. complex 3. typical) alternative to a model of an African origin is a multiregional model that holds that modern humans arose simultaneously in Africa, Europe and Asia from these ancestors.
4:4 Proponents of this view argue that the fossil record indicates transitions between, for example, Neanderthals (H. neanderthalensis*) and modern humans in Europe, and between H. erectus* and modern humans in Asia.
4:5 [8](1. Clearly 2. Therefore 3.However), the existence of non-African traditional fossils is debatable, and there is genetic evidence that Neanderthals did not widely interbreed with modern humans even though the two coexisted for at least 10,000 years.
4:6 Such coexistence is good evidence for recognizing the two as Separate species.

■第6段落
6:1 Gyllensten and colleagues estimate that the divergence of Africans and nonAfricans occurred 52,000 plus or minus 28,000 years ago, shortly followed by a population expansion in non- Africans.
6:2 This date may even be a bit too recent.
6:3 Other genetic markers indicate an exodus from Africa around 100,000 years ago, which would be more consistent with fossil and archaeological evidence of modern humans outside Africa.
6:4 But, no single genetic marker can indicate that event precisely, and the mitochondrion date is approximately [12](1.scope 2. range 3. term) .
6:5 Some nuclear DNA markers have suggested earlier dates for the exodus from Africa, so more data is needed to provide a fuller picture.
6:6 Nonetheless, most of the genetic evidence indicates that there were only about 10,000 breeding individuals for a long time before the recent expansion of modern humans outside Africa.
6:7 Such a small population size is [13](1. incompatible 2. compatible 3. comparable) with the multiregional model, which would require many more individuals to maintain genetic movement among continents.

■第8段落
8:1 The research results by Gyllensten and colleagues have indicated that the field of mitochondrial population genomics will provide a rich [16] (1. evidence 2. solution 3. resource) of genetic information for evolutionary studies.
8:2 Nevertheless, mtDNA is only one aspect of the analysis of human evolution and only reflects the genetic history of females.
8:3 For a [17] (1. neutral view 2. ambiguous view 3. detailed view), a combination of genetic systems is required.
8:4 With the human genome project reaching completion, the ease by which such data may be generated will increase, providing us with an ever more detailed understanding of our genetic history.

■第9段落
9:1 Gyllensten and colleagues have used sequences from a large number of complete mitochondrial genomes to [18] (1. address 2. evaluate 3. estimate) these evolutionary questions, an approach that could be called population genomics.
9:2 Genes responsible for physical and behavioral traits will probably be found and their allelic histories provide [19](1.cloud 2. clear 3. additional) information.
9:3 Molecular evolutionary trees and time estimates will have greater precision, all of which will help to [20](1. cloud 2. conclude 3.clarify) our evolutionary history.

総合政策学部 1995 問1
空所補充問題
■第2段落
2:1 In technologically simple, no surplus producing societies (horticultural and hunting gathering) women’s productive roles are usually (1) (1. peripheral 2. central 3. closed) to the collectivity inasmuch as they typically provide from 40 to 80 percent of the food.
2:2 In such societies sexism is minimal to nonexistent, and their religious imagery typically incorporates a female principle.
2:3 As the technology becomes more complex, the production of surplus commodities for trade and familial aggrandizement (2) (1. scores 2. achieves 3. becomes) a primary goal.
2:4 When this happens, males come increasingly to control economic resources, and religion increasingly stresses the male principle.

■第4段落
4:1 One very common practice in extremely sexist societies has been much stricter control over women’s sexuality than over men’s (6) (1. economic power 2. sexuality 3. political influence) .
4:2 This has been done in order to ensure “proper” paternity, which in turn is linked to the intergenerational transmission of property from father to son.
4:3 It takes an extreme form such as purdah (the total seclusion of women in Hindu and Islamic tradition) or milder forms such as chaperoning unmarried women, (7) (1. painting 2. covering 3. washing) women’s bodies and faces almost entirely, or simply a double standard that punishes women (either alone or more harshly than men) who lose their virginity premarital or commit adultery.
4:4 The ideological justification often stresses women’s extreme sexuality and the diversion from duty this supposedly creates for men.
4:5 Left unchecked, female sexuality would presumably constitute a danger to the social collectivity.
4:6 In such cases the image of females is sharply bifurcated: the pure, virginal, or chaste woman who conforms to religious and social strictures (the lady) versus the polluted whore like temptress, the fallen woman who has rebelled against God and society.
4:7 There is no counterpart bifurcation of males on the basis of sexuality.
4:8 Language often reflects this phenomenon by producing a vast terminology of “dirty words” to refer to women who step (8) (1. out of sight 2. out of hand 3. out of bounds) and more generally to specific parts of the female anatomy.
4:9 Women are thus defined essentially on the basis of their sexuality and sexual conduct, resulting in the irony that in attempting to repress female sexuality women are made into sexual objects.
4:10 Moreover, when the repressive aspect is removed the objectification does not quickly disappear, as manifested by contemporary advertising and pornography.

■第6段落
6:1 In controlling the cultural, public aspects of their societies, including the very institutions that produce the ideology legitimating such control, men in sexist societies become the gatekeepers who decide what is to be defined as valuable, worthy, and proper.
6:2 It is their imagery of females that becomes the official, societal definition.
6:3 Men define that which constitutes humanness, and, in the words of French existentialist Simone de Beauvoir, women become simply “the other.”

6:4 Substantial research suggests that conceptions of “human” and “masculine” tend to coincide, but they differ from those of(11)(1. “individual” 2. “feminine” 3. “artistic”).
6:5 If a woman manages to produce a painting, a musical composition, a poem, or a scientific paper, it is judged by the standards men have set, if indeed male gatekeepers deem a woman’s production worthy of being judged at all.
6:6 Such standards are taken to be universal and unbiased, not as the product of specific people with vested interests.
6:7 They assume a reality of their own that transcends their social origins and are seen as applicable across time and space.
6:8 Women who would produce cultural artifacts in a sexist society are caught in a double bind: they can attempt to meet male standards that are defined as (12) (1. universal 2. Masculine 3.thetic) , but since they are not male they compete for recognition at a disadvantage; or they can
produce according to their own experience and ideas of quality, and their products will typically be defined as (13) (1. innocent 2. inferior 3. tasteful) by societal gatekeepers.
6:9 Thus, for instance, women’s art in basketry, weaving, and needlework constitute only “crafts,” whereas men’s in paint, stone, and bronze are “fine arts.”

■第7段落
7:1 (14) (1. Concerning 2. Regardless of 3. Besides) standards of judgment, male assumptions about the world, male definitions, and male perceptions of what constitute problems all become synonymous with “reality.”

7:2 Western science has provided numerous examples of how sexism intrudes to shape even the ostensibly most objective type of cultural production.
7:3 For example, in the seventeenth century European scientists defined sperm as carrying a miniature fetus; the female provided only the environment for its growth.
7:4 The resulting (15) (1. child 2. wife 3. woman) “obviously” belonged to the father.
7:5 As (male) medical doctors took over childbirth from (female) midwives in the nineteenth century, pregnancy and parturition became increasingly defined as a problem, even a kind of illness; after all, physicians do not treat normal events.
7:6 Until about 1970 anthropologists largely ignored women’s extensive contributions to the food supplies of preliterate societies, developing theories based on the centrality of male hunting to the survival of families and (16) ( 1. cities 2. industry 3. societies) .
7:7 Sigmund Freud and his followers defined masochism, passivity, and narcissism as normal female traits and developed a theory to explain women’s innately inferior conscience.
7:8 Psychologist Carol Gilligan has demonstrated that males and females employ basically (17) (1. possible 2. similar 3. different) notions of moral behavior.
7:9 The former tend to base morality on abstract principles, the latter on a (18) (1. concern with 2. interpretation of 3. familiarity with) concrete relationships.
7:10 Yet the field of psychology has assumed that the masculine approach is synonymous with the general concept of moral behavior and that therefore females are less moral.
7:11 Work has been defined by economists and sociologists in terms of the labor force, ignoring the domestic labor of homemakers and (19) (1. implying 2. employing 3. inferring) that they do not “work.”

■第8段落
8:1 The power to define the world and to define standards of judgment constitutes the power to shape the sociocultural world to one’s own image and interests.
8:2 Sexism, rooted in economic phenomena, legitimated and extended by ideologies, (20) (1. tests 2. vests 3. lifts) such power in males.
8:3 In turn, definitional power reinforces sexism.
8:4 When extreme Sexism exists, women are not simply denied all manner of rights, resources, and opportunity but are denied the ability to define themselves, their experience, and their works as worthy and valuable, sometimes even as real.

総合政策学部 1,995 問2
■第1段落
1:1 If rules are treated as fixed and non controversial entities, then it becomes difficult to explain their origins.
1:2 The problem is a particularly acute one for theorists applying the game metaphor.
1:3 The difficulty of discussing the origins of games by applying the game metaphor is well illustrated by Michael Argyle’s article about the rules of social life.
1:4 Argyle, having stated that “even the most fiercely competitive and aggressive games can only take place if both sides abide by the rules”, adds the comment that “rules are developed gradually, as cultural products, as ways of handling certain situations; they can be changed, but changes are slow.”
1:5 These comments suggest that the formulation of rules is something which somehow evolves with (1) (1. observable changes 2. sluggish mystery 3. open arguments) almost as imperceptibly as biological evolution.
1:6 Just as the experimental social psychologist can safely assume that the course of biological evolution is not going to be changed in the middle of an experiment, so the rule theorist can rest (2) ( 1. assured 2. debated 3. informed) that the rules of social life will not be subject to sudden and troublesome alterations.
1:7 However, this tacit dismissal of the issue of rule formulation is based upon (3) (1. a misconception 2. a new assumption 3. a historical condition) .
1:8 The major Sports of the modern world, such as football, cricket, tennis, and rugby, do not owe their rules to a slow process of accumulation, stretching over centuries of folk custom.
1:9 On the contrary, the nineteenth century (4) (1. reached 2. evolved 3.saw) an energetic burst of rulemaking.
1:10 Some important studies in the sociology of sport have shown that this rulemaking occurred at specific times of social change.
1:11 Moreover, it was predominantly confined to a particular class.

■第2段落
2:1 Much of the early rule formation arose directly out of argumentation, for it had been necessary to develop more regular procedures for settling disputes.
2:2 For example, the 1846 rules of rugby were (5) (1. complete 2. not exhaustive 3.closed) rules of procedure, covering all aspects of the sport, but, in point of fact, were little more than decisions of certain disputed points.
2:3 Things were not settled once-and for all when the various self-appointed rule makers had codified their decisions into proper systems of rules.
2:4 Disputes were still liable to arise, especially as tactics and styles developed.
2:5 In fact, the administrators of all sports need to monitor the rules, in order to make certain that the delicate balances between attack and defense, between vigor and dullness, and so on, are maintained.
2:6 If the authorities (6) (1. succeed in 2. tackle with 3. fail in) this task, the new developments, which are so necessary if a game is to continue to be interesting, can so easily upset the balances on which all sports depend.
2:7 Within every sport there will be individuals or lobbies who will (7) (1. deny 2. announce 3. support) that the change would lead to improvement.
2:8 The continual monitoring of rules ensures that the process of rule formulation is never ended.

■第3段落
3:1 If rule-following is a necessary prerequisite on the field of play, one might say that the existence of such rules implies an off field structure to permit the alternation of rules amidst argument and debate.
3:2 In fact, the more rules a sport may have, the more arguments and changes of rules can be expected.
3:3 Cricket is probably the most ornate of all sports, demanding that the players (8) (1. break 2. question 3. obey) both the formal rules and informal spirit of the game.
3:4 Not a season passes without the games officials arguing amongst themselves about changing rules.
3:5 In fact controversies on the pitch can end up in the (9) (1. committee rooms 2. on the field fights 3. new rules) as controversies about the appropriateness of rules.
3:6 This is certainly true of the most furious, and enduring, of cricket’s on the field controversies.
3:7 On the tour of Australia in 1932/3, the English bowlers adopted a tactic which the Australian team and public considered to be unfairly dangerous.
3:8 The arguments stretched from the field of play right up to the highest levels of government.
3:9 As with Socrates and Protagoras, the words used in the dispute would not keep agreeably (10) (1. open 2. still 3. conflicting) , but the choice of terms became a matter of controversy in itself, as well as being a signal of the speakers sympathies.
3:10 The British preferred to call their bowling tactic by the neutral, even academic, name of ‘Leg Theory’, (11) ( 1. in case 2. even if 3. as if) nothing more than strategy were involved.
3:11 The Australians insisted on Bodyline to express their indignation with a ploy which they felt to be unsparingly intimidator.
3:12 What is significant is that the controversy led to a change in the rules of cricket, and that the merits of this change (12) (1. occasion 2. discontinue 3.discourage) arguments to this day amongst the legislators of the game.

■第5段落
5:1 The close links between rules and arguments can be illustrated by considering a culture which has formalized its rules of everyday behavior to an unequalled extent.
5:2 The Talmud, containing the rules of Orthodox Judaism, specifies in detail what correct actions for every aspect of daily life are.
5:3 Even the most trivial action must be performed in a sanctified manner to prevent godlessness from (16) (1. entering into 2. ruling over 3. opening up) everyday routines.
5:4 The novelist Jorge Luis Borges, in his story The Zahir, describes the Talmud as having “codified every conceivable human eventuality.”

5:5 This is (17) (1. an accurate description 2. a general conclusion 3. an exaggerated description) , for the continuation of Talmudic debates shows that the complete codification is unattained but aimed for.
5:6 The Talmud represents a self-produced anthropology, explaining to orthodox Jews the meaning of their rituals in a detail which the professional anthropologist, seeking the unwritten rules of social life, can only admire.
5:7 Just as the behavior of game players is meaningless without knowledge of the rules of the game, so the customs of orthodox Jews are incomprehensible without the Talmud.
5:8 However, this great code of behavior, which seeks to leave (18) (1. nothing to chance 2. a lot to be desired 3. much room to debate) but dictates detailed rule following, is principally a record of arguments.
5:9 From its opening page, through its sixty or so volumes of tractates, it describes the arguments of the ancient rabbis, as they disputed their interpretations of the Holy Law.
5:10 Every pronouncement is a subject of argument, and, as Heiman has shown in his account of modern Talmudic study groups, even today the Orthodox learn the rules by (19) ( 1. abandoning 2. reliving 3.authorizing) the ancient arguments.
5:11 All in all, the Talmud represents not merely one of the most detailed codes of behavior ever produced, but is also one of the greatest collections of arguments in literature.

■第6段落
6:1 Because arguments are such a constant theme in the history of social rules, their psychological importance should be recognized.
6:2 However, psychologists will be unable to give due attention to argumentation as long as they employ theoretical frameworks which subtract the argumentative aspects from human activities.
6:3 If this point is accepted, then we now have our excuse to (20) (1. leave 2. emphasize 3. construct) modern theory, and to enter the ramshackle old city center of rhetoric: it is in ancient rhetoric, but not in recent social psychology, that argumentation is placed in the center of human affairs.

総合政策学部 1996 問1、
■第1段落
1:1 on a daily basis everyone comes into contact with persuasive forces.
1:2 Whether it is with friends, family members, or co-workers, elements of persuasion can be found in almost any social interaction.
1:3 Although most people would argue that they are responsible for their attitudes and beliefs, social scientific theory and research has (1)(1. yielded 2. assumed 3. declared) a large body of evidence that does not support this notion.
1:4 Within the United States and other developed nations, the media present powerful persuasive forces in the form of consumer advertising, political campaigning, and the dissemination of general news and information that, by and large, play a crucial role in the development of opinions, beliefs, and attitudes of individuals and groups.

■第3段落
3:1 Persuasion has often been defined as an act of human communication that has the specific goal of influencing the beliefs, opinions, and attitudes, and/or behavior of others.
3:2 In many instances this definition does not describe the full range of conditions under which persuasion takes place.
3:3 Specifically, when receiver factors are taken into account one message may be a clear example of persuasive communication to a specific audience or individual, while presented to another it may simply (2)(1. devalue 2. impair 3. validate) existing beliefs and opinions and thus fail to present a clear distinction of persuasion.
3:4 Furthermore, instances of coercion can be (3)(1. misguided 2. misplaced 3. misconstrued) as acts of persuasion since there is a fine boundary between forced change and persuasive change.
3:5 For practical purposes, we will focus on the more (4)(1. salient 2. opaque 3. congenial)instances of persuasion and contrast them with examples that are not as distinct.

■第4段落
4:1 Within the large body of theory and research on persuasion the concept of attitude has received a great deal of attention since itis closely linked to the success of persuasive communication.
4:2 The mental state of the receiver is an important part of persuasion and in many instances the ultimate goal of the persuader is to bring about some form of attitude change.
4:3 Furthermore, in many cases attitudes are the (5) (1. precedents 2. precursors 3. premises) to behavior, and many theories of persuasion involve the concept of attitude.

■第6段落
6:1 Credible communicators are looked upon as experts.
6:2 That is, they display a degree of competence in their field and are commonly viewed as knowledgeable and experienced.
6:3 Furthermore, receiver judgments of competence are significantly influenced by the communicator’s level of training, occupation, and experience.
6:4 This value judgment made on the part of the receiver is important in whether the message is accepted or rejected.
6:5 If the receiver believes the communicator has (6)( 1. disposed 2. displayed 3. dismissed) a high degree of competence, then it is much more likely that the message being conveyed will have an impact.
6:6 In addition to this, a communicator’s degree of trustworthiness is also (7) (1. assessed 2. assured 3. accorded) by the receiver.
6:7 If a communicator is viewed as being truthful then the message will seem much more reliable and acceptable.
6:8 On the other hand, if a persuasive message is remembered but not its source, then the influence of a communicator of high credibility may have a diminishing effect over time.
6:9 However, low credibility communicators may receive a beneficial gain in this situation which would result in having a more persuasive response to their message after a period of time has passed.
6:10 This is a phenomenon known as the sleeper effect that occurs under circumstances in which the receiver remembers the message but not reasons that may (8)(1. discount 2. support 3. discourage) it.
6:11 For example, a receiver may remember factual information from a message but forget about the credibility of the communicator and other source factors which we normally rely upon to judge information.
6:12 (9)(1. Thus 2. On the contrary 3. In addition), practical issues that may influence the credibility of communicators include their rate of delivery and the degree of confidence in their tone.
6:13 A communicator is viewed as more credible if his or her speech contains no hesitations and is delivered at a rapid pace.

■第10段落
10:1 Moreover, emotional appeals have been found to be quite effective, especially when they are incorporated with factual information.
10:2 For example, the American Lung Association’s antismoking campaign and the driver education programs in high schools that show horrible traffic accidents both share a common element of fear with the (13)(1. intention 2. pretension3. contention) to persuade.
10:3 Research suggests that fearful and emotional appeals that are successful in producing greater fear will, in fact, strengthen the message’s effectiveness.
10:4 The degree of fear appeals in a message and the amount of fear (14)(1. established 2. erased
3. evoked) in an audience are prime determinants of successful persuasion.
10:5 However, if a message contains an extremely high degree of fear it may persuade an audience but it might also (15)(1. attract 2. detract from 3. diversify) the message content, producing an opposite effect.

■第11段落
11:1 It has been found that the amount of fear experienced in any given audience is variable and complex.
11:2 Even in carefully controlled experimental designs the (16)(1. infringement 2. deduction 3. inducement) of fear is variable across individuals.
11:3 In general, research shows that fearful persuasive appeals may or may not be effective.

■第12段落
12:1 When presenting an argument one must consider whether opposing arguments should or should not be addressed.
12:2 As a general rule, presenting two-sided arguments is more effective because the audience tends to believe that the communicator is offering objective and unbiased information.
12:3 Moreover, well-informed and well-educated audiences are more (17)(1. receptive 2. subordinate 3. liable) to two-sided appeals as opposed to one-sided arguments.
12:4 Although there are instances in which recognizing opposing arguments may obscure the communicator’s message and fail to sway people’s opinions, the vantage point is still more robust with a two-sided appeal.
12:5 However, in instances where the audience is in full agreement with the message of the communicator a one-sided appeal is more effective.
12:6 Speculation (18)(1. makes 2. has 3. leaves) it that factors which influence people’s persuasibility to one as opposed to two-sided arguments are dependent upon their educational level and their acquaintance with the issue.

■第13段落
13:1 Persuasive communicators commonly have an idea of how much they wish to modify a given audiences attitudes and opinions.
13:2 Some communicators may defend a position strongly discrepant to that held by the audience, while others may possibly advocate a position which is only somewhat discrepant from the audiences initial opinion.
13:3 Overall, research shows that with both excessive and (19)(1. conservative 2. liberal 3. radical) usage of discrepancy a communicators effectiveness is diminished.
13:4 The instance where discrepancy (20)(1. sustains 2. affords 3. works) best is when the message of the communicator is only slightly different from the opinions held by the audience.

13:5 As one would guess, moderate levels of discrepancy work best when the message is delivered by a credible communicator.
13:6 In some cases, messages with extreme levels of discrepancy seem to have positive results when given by a credible communicator.
13:7 Additionally, when a receiver maintains a high degree of involvement with a message the communicators range of discrepancy is greatly reduced.
13:8 As may already be apparent, a receiver who has a personal acquaintance with an issue may become more intolerant of strongly discrepant points of view.

総合政策学部 1996 問2、
■第1段落
1:1 Hermeneutics began as the theory of the interpretation of texts, particularly mythical and sacred texts.
1:2 Its practitioners struggled with the problem of characterizing how people find meaning in a text that exists over many centuries and is understood differently in different epochs.
1:3 A mythical or religious text continues to be spoken or read and to serve as a source of deep meaning, in spite of (1)(1. changes 2. consistency 3. disappearance) in the underlying culture and even in the language.
1:4 There are obvious questions to be raised.
1:5 Is the meaning definable in some absolute sense, independent of the context in which the text was written?
1:6 Is it definable only in terms of that original context?
1:7 If so, is it possible or desirable for a reader to transcend his or her own culture and the intervening history in order to (2)(1. repeat 2. reinforce 3. recover) the correct interpretation?

■第2段落
2:1 If we reject the notion that the meaning is in the text, are we (3) (1. opposed 2. reduced 3. prohibited) to saying only that a particular person at a particular moment had a particular interpretation?
2:2 If so, have we given up a naive but solid-seeming view of the reality of the meaning of the text in (4)(1. favor 2. spite 3. terms) of a relativistic appeal to individual subjective reaction?

■第4段落
4:1 For the objectivist school of hermeneutics, the text must have a meaning that exists independently of the act of interpretation.
4:2 Their goal of a hermeneutic theory is to develop methods by which we rid ourselves of all prejudices and produce an objective analysis of what is really there.
4:3 The ideal is to completely (6)(1. contextualize 2. decorate 3. decontextualize) the text.

■第5段落
5:1 The opposing approach, most clearly formulated by Gadamer, takes the act of interpretation as primary, understanding it as an interaction between the ‘horizon’ provided by the text and the horizon that the interpreter brings to it.
5:2 Gadamer (7)(1. denies 2. questions 3. insists) that every reading or hearing of a text constitutes an act of giving meaning to it through interpretation.

■第6段落
6:1 Gadamer devotes extensive discussion to the relation of the individual to tradition, clarifying how tradition and interpretation (8)(1. complicate 2. interact 3. separate) .
6:2 Any individual, in understanding his or her world, is continually involved in activities of interpretation.
6:3 That interpretation is based on prejudice (or pre understanding), which includes assumptions implicit in the language that the person uses.
6:4 That language in turn is (9)(1. learned 2. forgotten 3 . intervened) through activities of interpretation.
6:5 The individual is changed through the use of language, and the language changes through its use by individuals.
6:6 This process is of the first importance, since it constitutes the background of the beliefs and assumptions that determine the nature of our being.
6:7 We are social creatures:

■第7段落
7:1 In fact history does not belong to us, but we belong to it.
7:2 Long before we understand ourselves through the process of self-examination, we understand ourselves in a self-evident way in the family, society, and (10)(1. history 2. state 3. psychology) in which we live.
7:3 The focus of subjectivity is a distorting mirror.
7:4 The self-awareness of the individual is only a flickering in the closed circuits of historical life.
7:5 That is why the prejudices of the individual, far (11)(1. more 2. less 3. later) than his judgments, constitute the historical reality of his being.
7:6 Gadamer, Truth and Method (1975), p. 245.

■第8段落
8:1 Gadamer sees in this essential historicity of our being the cause of our (12)(1. competence 2. tendency 3. inability) to achieve full explicit understanding of ourselves.
8:2 The nature of our being is determined by our cultural background, and (13)(1. after 2. since 3. before) it is formed in our very way of experiencing and living in language, it cannot be made fully explicit in that language:

■第9段落
9:1 To acquire an awareness of a situation is, however, always a task of particular difficulty.
9:2 The very idea of a situation means that we are (14)(1. really 2. not 3. naturally) standing outside it and hence are unable to have any objective knowledge of it.
9:3 We are always within the situation, and to throw light on it is a task that is never entirely completed.
9:4 This is true also of the hermeneutic situation, i.e., the situation in which we find ourselves with regard to the tradition that we are trying to understand.
9:5 The illumination of this situation — effective-historical reflection — can never be completely (15)(1. achieved 2. ignored 3. persisted) , but this is not due to a lack in the reflection, but lies in the essence of the historical being which is ours.
9:6To exist historically means that knowledge of oneself can (16)(1. indeed 2. always 3. never) be complete.
9:7 Gadamer, Truth and Method (1975), pp.268-269.

■第11段落
11:1 Gadamer’s approach accepts the inevitability of the hermeneutic circle.
11:2 The meaning of an individual text is contextual, depending on the moment of interpretation and the horizon brought to it by the (18)(1. text 2. interpreter 3. fallacy) .
11:3 But that horizon is itself the product of a history of interactions in language, interactions which themselves represent texts that had to be understood in the light of preunderstanding.
11:4 What we understand is based on what we already know, and what we already know comes from being able to (19)(1. decontextualize 2. understand 3. forget).

総合政策学部 1,997 問1、
■第2段落
2:1 People may move because of dissatisfaction with their community, or because of the attraction of a different community.
2:2 Examples of the first type of [3](1. effect 2. movement 3. incentive) to migrate are the loss of
a job, causing the person to consider equivalent employment in another locality, or the exhaustion of natural resources, [4](1. including 2. inducing 3. providing) a group to move to a foreign land.
2:3 These are push factors of migration.
2:4 On the other hand, a person may choose a new community because its housing or job opportunities are superior, or a relatively large group may suddenly migrate to a distant place when gold is discovered there.
2:5 These are pull factors.
2:6 Either kind of motive may operate alone, but these factors generally [5](1. interact 2.
predominate 3. function) in a migration.

■第3段落
3:1 Push factors are more likely to predominate in a less developed country, where families are large and land is scarce.
3:2 People who can find no means of support in rural areas migrate to the cities in desperate search of work.
3:3 In developed countries, where opportunities for better housing and employment are more available and where knowledge of other communities is both more abundant and more exact, push
and pull factors tend to interact[6](1. contradictorily 2. more evenly 3.profoundly) .
3:4 Potential migrants weigh the advantages and disadvantages of the region of origin and of the possible regions of destination.

■第4段落
4:1 Local migrations are usually motivated by housing and aspects of residential environment such as schools.
4:2 The chief factor in long-distance migrations is employment, [7](1. in that 2. thereby 3. although) differences in housing and climate are the main incentive for elderly people to migrate long distances.
4:3 The volume of migration tends to be [8](1. inversely 2. generally 3. positively) proportional to the distance traveled, because nearby communities are better known.
4:4 For the same reason the volume of internal migration is greater than that of international migration.

■第5段落
5:1 Reciprocal migration takes place when the differences between two regions are evaluated in opposite ways.
5:2 This [9](1. flow 2. difference 3. direction) includes return migration, which often makes statistics on population movements [10](1. easier to assess 2. more reliable 3. misleading) .
5:3 For example, up to 40% of the immigrants admitted to the United States between 1890 and 1910 returned home.

■第6段落
6:1 Although distance is the chief obstacle to migration, a gold rush, a famine, or religious persecution may produce a sudden large movement to a distant and unfamiliar place.
6:2 But when the Strong pul or push factor is [11](1. considered 2. removed 3. reinforced) , the
volume of subsequent migration in the same direction will depend on interregional evaluations by potential migrants, now better informed.
6:3 After the California gold rush of 1848-1852and the depletion of the gold, migration to California continued despite the long journey because the state’s basic natural wealth became known and transportation was improved.

■第7段落
7:1 The national and linguistic boundaries that pose obstacles to international migration are factors of social distance.
7:2 Cultural boundaries may inhibit migration even with in a country, as in Belgium across its Flemish-French language frontier.
7:3 But if two countries have the same language and there is a tradition of migration between them, other social barriers are more easily [12](1. overcome 2. brought in 3. erected) as in Irish
migration to England

■第8段落
8:1 Another obstacle to migration is the unwillingness of people to consider moving because of commitments to family, friends, property, and community.
8:2 [13](1. Nonetheless 2. In addition 3. For this reason), the migration rate for older groups is lower than for young adults and their children.
8:3 Transportation costs are often a great obstacle, and some countries and private enterprises that have [14](1. restricted 2. promoted 3. rejected) immigration have offered financial incentives
to desired new comers.

■第9段落
9:1 Current patterns of migration are linked with serious social and economic problems in many countries.
9:2 In the United States, the movement of millions of people from cities to suburbs and their [15] (1. increase 2. replacement 3. involvement) in the Cities by people of lower average incomes are causal factors of the modern “urban crisis”
9:3 The migration from the northern to the “Sunbelt” states has threatened to increase the population of the Southwest beyond the limits of some areas’ water resources.
9:4 In many third-world countries, rural-urban migration has caused over-urbanization and depopulation of rural areas.
9:5 The selective migration of highly intelligent, skilled individuals from less to more affluent countries has resulted in the problem of “brain-drain” for [16](1. receiving 2. Sending 3. both)
countries.

■第10段落
10:1 The demographic effects of migration are sometimes difficult to evaluate.
10:2 The movement of x number of people from Country A to Country B would seem to have the effect of reducing A’s population and increasing B’s by the same amount.
10:3 But in the long run, this is not necessarily true.
10:4 Since the migrants typically are young adults, the fertility rate in the sending country may go down, while that in the receiving country may go up.
10:5 On the other hand, emigration may result in a higher birthrate by [17](1. relieving 2. receiving 3. retracting) population pressures that delay marriage and conception.
10:6 Immigration may lower the birthrate by speeding industrialization and urbanization, thus promoting the upward social mobility of the established population with a consequent [18](1. reduction 2. increase 3.balance) in average family size.

■第11段落
11:1 When immigrants of diverse cultural backgrounds are assimilated into a new society, they may contribute to the dominant culture.
11:2 The degree to which assimilation occurs depends on the migrants’ ability and on the receiving society’s willingness to accept them.
11:3 Assimilation works best where mutual integration is desired, permitting the incoming individuals and groups to remain different[19](1. such that 2. so that 3. so long as) they do not
be come dominant or cause disunity.
11:4 Where minorities have remained unintegrated or where an attempt has been made to achieve
[20](1. social welfare 2. mutual independence 3. complete uniformity) , cultural collisions have
occurred.
11:5 In the United States the concept of the population as a “melting pot”or uniform blend of human ingredients, has changed since the mid-20th Century.
11:6 It is now generally recognized that immigration produced something more like a mosaic, in which each element has retained its own characteristics while contributing to a commonality.

総合政策学部 1,997 問2
■第5段落
5:1 Barrington reasoned that the fundamental emotions in our behavioral storehouses are dissociable and that our totality must be an amalgam of separable components.
5:2 Such a splintering of skills is also (5) (1. captured 2. evident 3. enclosed) sometimes in severely handicapped people, and we are all familiar with people who can reckon the day of the week for any date over centuries in their head.
5:3 This suggests that we must construct our understanding of the world from separate modules, and this principle of dissociation may be a key to the nature of the evolution of intelligence.

■第7段落
7:1 Cuvier used this principle primarily to argue that he could reconstruct entire organisms from fossil fragments, because one bone implied a necessary shape for all others.
7:2 But Cuvier had a Second, even grander motive — the denial of evolution.
7:3 How can transmutation (6)(1. disappear 2. occur 3. lessen) if parts cannot alter separately, or at least with some degree of independence?
7:4 If each tiny modification requires a redesign of absolutely every other feature, then inertia itself must prevent evolution.
7:5 Cuvier continued:
7:6 Animals have certain fixed and natural characters, which resist the effects of every kind of influence, whether proceeding from natural causes or human interference; and we have not the smallest reason to suspect that time has any more effect upon them than climate.

■第8段落
8:1 The logic of this argument is impeccable.
8:2 If parts are not dissociable, then evolution cannot occur.
8:3 But although Cuvier’s logic was correct, his premise of total integrity was false.
8:4 Evolution (7) (1. proceeds 2. grows 3. regresses) , in fact, by dissociating complex systems into parts, or modules made of a few correlated features, and by altering the various units at differing rates and times.
8:5 Biologists refer to this principle as mosaic evolution, and we need look no further for an illustration than the history of our own species.
8:6 Our human (8)(1. ancestors 2. characters 3. people) , we now know, evolved an upright posture of nearly modern design before any substantial enlargement of the brain had occurred.

■第9段落
9:1 This fundamental principle of dissociability works just as well for the mental complexities of emotions and intelligence as for designs of entire bodies.
9:2 As he began to (9) (1. compile 2. change 3. contain) the notes that would lead to his evolutionary theory, Charles Darwin recognized that he could not give an evolutionary account of human emotions without the principles of modularity and dissociation.

■第10段落
10:1 He wished, (10) (1. to be sure 2. in sum 3. for example) , to trace facial gestures to antecedent states in ancestral animals.
10:2 But if the human complement forms an integrated array, locked together by our unique consciousness, then a historical origin from simpler systems becomes impossible.
10:3 Darwin recognized that two principles must underlie the possibility of evolution.
10:4 First, gestures cannot be subject to fully conscious control; some, at least, must represent automatic, evolved responses.
10:5 As (11) (1. examples 2. collections 3. evidence) for ancestral states, Darwin cited several gestures that make no sense without modern morphology, but must have served our ancestors well.
10:6 In sneering, we tighten our upper lips and raise them in the region of our canine teeth.
10:7 This motion once exposed the fighting weapons of our ancestors, but human canines are no bigger than our other teeth and this inherited reaction has lost its original function.

■第12段落
12:1 Many experiments with animals (14) (1. compose 2. affirm 3. comprise) and extend the principle of modularity.
12:2 Newborn gulls, for example, peck vigorously at their parents’ beak, apparently aiming for a red spot near the tip.
12:3 If an infant makes proper contact, the parent brings up a parcel of food and the baby gull gets its first meal.

■第14段落
14:1 At what, then, does the baby bird direct its pecks?
14:2 At first consideration, one might (16) (1. estimate 2. conjecture 3. entertain) that the entire form of the parent would provide an optimal target.
14:3 After all, what could be more appealing than the parent’s totality — a full, three-dimensional image with the right movements and odors?
14:4 But consider the issue a bit more deeply; the hatchling has never seen a bird.
14:5 Can the complexities of the entire parental form be planted innately upon its untested brain?
14:6 Wouldn’t the goal be more (17)(1. readily 2. appropriately 3. commonly) achieved — easier to program if you will if the hatchling responded to one or a few abstract particulars, that is, to modules extracted from the total form?

■第16段落
16:1 The concept of modularity (19) (1. lies 2. forms 3. stays) at the heart of much innovative research in cognitive science.
16:2 The brain does a great deal of work by complex coordination among its parts, but we have also known for a long time that highly particular attitudes and behaviors map to specific portions of the brain.
16:3 Barrington’s study of Mozart and the modern scientific research on the behavior of newborn gulls may seem at first sight to have (20) (1. little 2. much 3. everything) in common.
16:4 However, although we may read it to learn more about the life of a man revered for his contribution to the world of art, the illustration of modularity evidenced both in Mozart’s own behavior and in his ability to separate and abstract single emotions is an important contribution to our understanding of the human mind.

総合政策学部 1,998 問1、
■第2段落
2:1 Alice was the admissions officer’s dream.

2:2 She was easily admitted to our graduate program.
2:3 She came with (1) (1. average 2. stellar 3. satisfactory) test scores, outstanding college grades, excellent letters of recommendation, and, overall, close to a perfect record.
2:4 Alice proved to be more or less what her record promised.
2:5 She had excellent critical and analytical abilities, which earned her outstanding grades during her first two years at our school.
2:6 When it came to taking tests and writing papers, she (2) (1. had no peer 2. had no help 3. was popular) among her classmates.
2:7 But after the first two years, Alice no longer looked quite so outstanding.
2:8 In our graduate program, as in most, emphasis shifts after the first couple of years.
2:9 It is not enough just to criticize other people’s ideas or to study concepts that other people have proposed.
2:10 You must (3) (1. not rely on 2. begin reviewing 3. start coming up with) your own ideas and figuring out ways of implementing them.
2:11 Alice’s synthetic abilities were far inferior to her analytic ones.
2:12 But there was no way of knowing this from the evidence available in the admissions folder, for
(4) (1. although 2. however 3. whenever) conventional measures can give us a good reading on analytic abilities, they give virtually no assessment of synthetic abilities.
2:13 Thus, Alice was “IQ test” smart, but not equally (5)(1. discreet 2. disciplined 3. distinguished)
in the synthetic, or practical, areas of intelligence.

■第4段落
4:1 Celia, on paper, appeared to be somewhere between Alice and Barbara in terms of suitability for admission to the graduate program.
4:2 She was good on almost every measure of success but not truly outstanding on any.
4:3 We admitted her, (6) (1. expecting that she comes out 2. expecting her to come out 3. having expected to come out) near the middle of the class.
4:4 This did not happen.
4:5 Celia proved to be outstanding, though in a way that is quite different from Alice’s or Barbara’s.

4:6 Celia’s expertise lies in figuring out and adapting to the demands of the environ mint.
4:7 Placed in a totally new setting, she loses no time identifying what is required of her and behaving (7) (1. agreeably 2. accordingly 3. selectively) .
4:8 She knows exactly what to do to get ahead.
4:9 In conventional parlance, Celia is “street smart.”
4:10 She excels in practical intelligence.

■第6段落
6:1 The actual ideas for my theory of intelligence were inspired by contact with people I have known.
6:2 In developing a (11) (1. consensus 2. purpose 3. rationale) for a theory of intelligence, however, it is necessary to have both a scientific and an observational basis for making theoretical claims.
6:3 I therefore decided to look back at the major theories of intelligence that have been proposed during the twentieth century.
6:4 All of these seemed to be doing one, or in rare cases, two, of three things.
6:5 The first kind of theory attempted to relate intelligence to the internal world of individuals: What goes on inside people’s heads when they think intelligently?
6:6 In the second kind of theory, psychologists sought to relate intelligence to the experience of individuals: How does experience affect people’s intelligence, and how does their intelligence affect the kinds of experiences they have?
6:7 The third kind of theory is concerned with the relationship of intelligence to the external world of individuals: How do their interactions with the world at large affect their intelligence, and how does their intelligence affect the world in which they live?
6:8 Furthermore, how does the world in which we live shape our very notions of what intelligence is?

■第7段落
7:1 After conducting this extensive review of the literature on intelligence, I was impressed that my review led me to exactly the same place that my observations of Alice, Barbara, and Celia had taken me.
7:2 To understand intelligence completely, it seems that one needs to understand the relationship of intelligence to three things: the internal world of the individual, the external world of the individual, and the experience with the world that (12) (1. Separates 2. Intercepts 3. Mediates between) the internal and the external worlds.

■第8段落
8:1 The (13) (1. convergence 2. divergence 3. incompatibility) of my analysis of the research literature and my personal experience convinced me that what was needed was a “triarchic” theory of human intelligence — one that did justice to each of these three aspects of intelligence.
8:2 It is important to mention that my goal in constructing the tribrachic theory was quite (14) (1. contrary to 2. interchangeable with 3. compatible with) that of most psychologists who have developed theories of intelligence.
8:3 The field has been (15)1. Exceptionally focused 2. Notoriously contentious 3. Unusually harmonious) , with every theorist setting out to prove that his theory is right and everyone else’s is wrong.
8:4 For example, Arthur Jensen argues for the predominance of a single, general factor in human intelligence, while Howard Gardner maintains that there are at least seven or eight multiple intelligences.
8:5 For me, the most disturbing element of these and other opposing theorists has been that while they have done reasonably well in (16) (1. amassing 2. refuting 3. responding to) evidence to support their own point of view, they have generally failed to disprove the views of others.
8:6 How could this be?
8:7 After reviewing earlier theories, I came to the conclusion that the reason for this was that virtually all of them have been (17)(1. inaccurate 2. incomplete 3. inconsistent).
8:8 Though proposed as full theories of intelligence, each has dealt with only some limited aspects.
8:9 Often, too, these theories have proved to be complementary rather than contradictory, as might be expected.
8:10 It is not difficult to show that a theory of general intelligence and the theory of multiple intelligences can be (18) (1. infused 2. installed 3. integrated) in a hierarchical framework, with general intelligence at the top of the hierarchy and multiple intelligences lower down.
8:11 More specific abilities would then be viewed as sub-abilities.
8:12 The point to be made, then, is that often the competition among theorists has been (19) (1. fierce 2. spurious 3. accommodating) .
8:13 Their theories are really theories of different aspects of intelligence.

総合政策学部 1,998 問2、
■第2段落
2:1 In most societies with writing, until 100 years ago only a minority could read and write; the rest were illiterate and hence were themselves dependent on the oral or visual transmission of knowledge.
2:2 They were not, (2) (1. therefore 2. however 3. on the contrary), dependent on knowledge originating in the oral or visual registers, and, consequently, their traditions differed in kind from those of a society without writing because they would be indirectly influenced by the written forms; illiterates would absorb Christian or Buddhist book learning through stories, sermons, paintings, and sculpture.
2:3 Equally, they might learn to conduct cognitive operations invented by the written culture (such as the arithmetic tables learned by heart).
2:4 The same is true of technological advances developed through the medium of written operations; illiterates may (3) (1. benefit from 2. be prevented from 3. resist) living in a literate culture, although the inability to read and write will place them in a disadvantageous position relative to others who can.
2:5 Even cultures without writing may be influenced by contact with literate outsiders in a similar manner.
2:6 The radio could stand as one example, because literacy was clearly (4)(1. a side effect 2. an outcome 3. a prerequisite) of its invention but not its operation.
2:7 Today, however, there is probably no society in the world that does not have some literates who are capable of (5) (1. deriving 2. manipulating 3. gaining) access to written knowledge produced elsewhere.

■第3段落
3:1 The first achievement of writing is to ensure the storage and communication over time and space of linguistic messages.
3:2 There lies its prime role in transforming social organizations, but the process of setting down such messages, whether or not they are then communicated to anyone, leads to changes in human understanding itself.
3:3 In terms of the mechanics of reading and writing, these involve the development of secondary skills, the coordination of the eye with the brain, the inner ear, and the silent voice, by which linguistic thoughts are expressed in visual formulae and vice versa.
3:4 The process of learning to read involves the deliberate cultivation of exact memory and verbatim recall right from the start.
3:5 The memorizing of hundreds of basic shapes is (6) (1. crucial 2. marginal 3. irrelevant) to any logographic writing such as Chinese; syllabic scripts make fewer initial demands, and alphabetic ones fewer still.

■第4段落
4:1 The deliberate visual recording of language means not only a search for words but a search for genres.
4:2 Oral discourse, even when not informal, often trails off into another activity, being punctuated by a drink of water, a mouthful of food, the rustle of paper, the closing of a door, or, in other words, by another nonlinguistic activity.
4:3 Written composition, however, has to have a formal beginning and an end; “Dear Christine” is completed by “Yours sincerely, Stephen,” (7) (1. put out 2. put forward 3. laid out) in a particular format, with the specification of place and date.
4:4 Apart from the letter, there is a gamut of genres from the report to the passport, as well as the literary genres ranging from the novel to the poem.
4:5 These developments appear gradually over time, but eventually not only each composition but each subunit (8) (1. takes after 2. takes on 3. takes in) a specific form each topic requires a paragraph, each sentence a capital letter and full stop, each word its break.
4:6 Syntax and punctuation become more precise and more formal as a result of becoming visual.
4:7 Part of the reason behind these changes is that whereas speech (9) (1. operates as 2. addresses 3. defines) one of the channels in face-to-face communication, writing as a register stands on its own.
4:8 It is “decontextualized,” or rather the context is highly (10) (1. restricted 2. redundant 3. reserved).
4:9 Hence, clarity of expression and precision of genre, syntax, and punctuation are encouraged by the visual representation of language.

■第5段落
5:1 Not only is language decontextualized but because of the permanency of writing, which materializes the flow of speech, words can be rearranged (11) (1. equally 2. less 3. more) freely in composition and also taken out of the sentence structure as individual items and grouped with others of the same “class.”

5:2 Such an activity is not impossible in oral discourse, but its use is enormously developed in early literate cultures where the reading and copying of lists, as in Mesopotamia, is one of the basic methods of instruction.
5:3 Listing has other implications, because it means placing items in unambiguous categories, giving each one a position, leading to (12)(1. contextualization 2. consolidation 3. contradiction) on the one hand and reconsideration on the other.
5:4 The list is a component of the table or matrix, an important instrument of intellectual operations.
5:5 It is also intrinsic to recordkeeping of a multitude of kinds, from trading operations to administrative personnel to astronomical observations.
5:6 It is the relative permanency of writing that makes it valuable as a means of storing information, (13)(1. whatever 2. whether 3. whichever) in the form of note taking, of the more deliberate recording of the Nile floods over time, of the history written for future generations, or of the accidental survival of personal letters.

■第6段落
6:1 So much for writing.
6:2 While reading aloud is necessarily an individual task and a frequent feature of early literacy, especially when only a small proportion of the population had the skills, it involved an immediate audience, the (14)(1. Physiological 2. Virtual 3. Physical) presence of hearers.
6:3 So, too, did a parallel feature of early literacy, the repetitive reading to oneself of a piece, then its subsequent recitation, as if produced purely orally, to a collected audience.
6:4 Such a process involves rereading, that is, going over for a second or a third time the linguistic message, in a fashion that is virtually impossible without writing.
6:5 The backward look facilitates not only verbatim memorizing but also understanding and critical analysis, as well as enabling the writer to construct and present more complex sentences than would otherwise be possible.
6:6 Such reviewing is the counterpart of comparing several versions of the same incident, poem, or account and of evaluating their differences, a procedure that gave (15) (1. birth 2. impetus 3. way)to history in the technical sense.

■第7段落
7:1 Literacy not only encourages such deliberate perusal of the text, it also makes possible the opposite, that is, the highly (16) (1. holistic 2. haphazard 3. Selective) forms of retrieval that are involved in consulting a dictionary (or even a library), as well as the skipping and the speed reading that takes place when we read a detective story rather than a poem.
7:2 The potential results of such procedures are vital to the growth of knowledge.
7:3 In the first place, the deliberate perusal of a text facilitates the search for inconsistencies, for contradictions, while the ability to set side by side different texts referring to the same events or notions leads to the (17)(1. reconsideration 2. cultivation 3. evaluation) of criticism and of skepticism.
7:4 It allows not only for criticism of the texts but also their further elaboration by commentary, which can (18) (1. in this respect 2. in its turn 3. as it turns out) be stored away for future reference, leading to the building up of libraries of stored knowledge.
7:5 These libraries encapsulate objective knowledge in the sense that this information has become theoretically (19) (1. inaccessible to 2. associated with 3. independent of) specific human teachers.

 

総合政策学部 1,999 問2
■第3段落
3:1 The clearest evidence for the (3) (1. resolution 2. role 3. realm) of color in sexual attraction among butterflies comes from studies of species in which males and females have distinctly different appearances.
3:2 Obviously, to mate successfully, individuals must be able to determine whether other conspecific butterflies are of their own or of the opposite sex.
3:3 The rest, it can be argued, is fine-tuning.

■第4段落
4:1 A gorgeous butterfly species whose males and females differ in color is the Little Yellow.
4:2 Both sexes appear an identical yellow to the human eye.
4:3 The shade being produced by pigments in the females looks quite different to butterflies, however, which (4) (1. perceive 2. filter 3. shed) light at wavelengths beyond the human visible range and into the ultraviolet.
4:4 Yellow wing scales on the upper surface of the males’ wings reflect ultraviolet light, and those of females do not.
4:5 On encountering a female, a Little Yellow male flutters about her briefly before landing and attempting to copulate.
4:6 On confronting another (5) (1. sex 2. male 3. female) , he speeds away and continues his search.
4:7 These simple behaviors allowed me to develop a test for the cues males use to recognize females.
4:8 I first glued Little Yellow wings to cards and presented them to males.
4:9 Males landed on, and even attempted to copulate with, female wings.
4:10 But male study subjects paid scant attention to male wings similarly mounted.

■第5段落
5:1 The next phase of the experiment showed that color was (6) (1. negligible 2. responsible 3. eligible) for this choice.
5:2 I prepared a card with two sets of male wings.
5:3 A quartz slide that transmits both visible and ultraviolet light covered one set of wings, and a filter that blocks ultraviolet wavelengths overlaid the other.
5:4 Males now attempted to mate with the male wings under the filter — wings that appeared to be female.
5:5 This species displays a sexual difference in ultraviolet reflectance*, and after a male’s ultraviolet reflectance is (7) (1. deleted 2. enhanced 3. alleviated) other males treat him like a female.

■第6段落
6:1 Once a male and a female butterfly have noticed one another, courtship begins in earnest.
6:2 The male’s goal is to (8) (1. indulge 2. induce 3. infer) the female to alight and remain still for mating, which sometimes lasts an hour or more.
6:3 In some species the female must also move her abdomen out from between her hindwings to grant the male access.
6:4 Butterfly biologists have studied the ritual that precedes actual copulation in only a few dozen of the roughly 12,000 species of butterfly, but it seems (9) (1. unexpected 2. reliable 3. clear) that, for butterflies, what humans might think of as scent can be a language of love.
6:5 The vocabulary of this language is chemical.

■第7段落
7:1 The best-understood case of (10) (1. visual 2. nonvisual 3. acoustic) butterfly communication involves the Queen butterfly.
7:2 Males of this species produce pheromones, compounds designed to elicit specific reactions — of sexual interest in this case from other butterflies.
7:3 These pheromones disseminate from brush like structures, called hair pencils, found at the end of the abdomen in males only.
7:4 Hair pencils have a particularly large surface area for their small volume and are thus highly efficient at distributing chemicals.
7:5 As a male flies up and down in front of a female, he touches her antennae with his protruding hair pencils, thereby depositing pheromones.
7:6 The female responds to this chemical signal by alighting and remaining still while the male copulates with her.

■第8段落
8:1 Many species of butterfly probably use (11) (1. ultraviolet light 2. pheromones 3. sound) in courtship.
8:2 Males often possess features reminiscent of the Queens Hair pencils, such as patches of unusual scales on the wings and brush like structures on the chest.
8:3 Like hair pencils, these scales and hairs have relatively large surface areas that would presumably enhance pheromone distribution.
8:4 And for the family of butterflies classified as Sulphurs, special scales on the male’s generally bright yellow orange wings do indeed emit compounds that may affect female behavior.

■第9段落
9:1 Gaudy wings, smooth moves and pheromones do a male butterfly no good if he cannot find a female butterfly on whom to practice his seduction.
9:2 Males of many butterfly species adopt a search-onthefly strategy, wandering the landscape looking for mates.
9:3 Often they (12) (1. confuse 2. investigate 3. reveal) likely areas, such as plants where females tend to lay their eggs or sites where virgin butterflies emerge from their cocoons.

■第10段落
10:1 Males of the Empress Leila species, however, use a highly systematic approach.
10:2 Because that species’ larvae* feed and pupate* on desert hackberry trees and because the females mate but once in their short lives, the males actually seek out that vegetation in search of young virgins.
10:3 A few hours after dawn, just when the females emerge from their cocoons and become ready to (13) (1. chase 2. fly 3. change) for the first time, the males begin their watch.

■第11段落
11:1 Early in the day the males perch on the ground in open, sunny spaces near the trees.
11:2 This early-morning sunbathing probably allows them to keep an eye out for other butterflies while keeping their bodies warm enough to give chase.
11:3 Because they cannot regulate body temperature internally, butterflies grow (14) (1. restless 2. impatient 3. sluggish) if the environment is too cold.
11:4 Later in the morning the males move up into the trees to exactly the average plane of flight of females, about one meter above the ground.
11:5 My students and I have observed that even when the male butterflies are perched at a tilt, they hold their heads so that their eyes are looking horizontally out of the tree.
11:6 This (15) (1.change 2. structure 3. orientation) seems to ensure that their area of greatest visual clearness — which lies in a band at the equator of the visual field coincides with the plane of likeliest female flight.

■第12段落
12:1 The male impulse to send their genetic material into the next generation causes them to try to prevent their mate from mating again.
12:2 Male butterflies actually make a substantial contribution to females during copulation, passing along a large quantity of nutrients.
12:3 This nutrient store can be as much as 6 to 10 percent of the males body weight; a male cannot afford such (16) (1. an investment 2. and experiment 3. a waste) in a female who will use his competitors sperm to fertilize her eggs.
12:4 In fact, evolution has come up with a mechanism that favors the male that has succeeded in mating first.
12:5 The presence of the nutrient store in the female’s reproductive tract* causes her to be unresponsive to further sexual advances.
12:6 Experimental evidence supports this (17)(1. evolution 2. conclusion 3. prediction) : artificially filling a virgin’s reproductive tract renders her uninterested in mating, while cutting the nerves to this area in a mated female restores her sexual interest.
12:7 Another male technique for barring other suitors from his mate is less elegant — he leaves a plug that obstructs the reproductive tract.

■第13段落
13:1 Females face different evolutionary pressures.
13:2 They often get but one chance to mate and must therefore be highly (18) (1. responsible 2. reliable 3. selective) .
13:3 By accepting only the fittest male, a female can assure her own offspring a quality genetic endowment, and she might also secure for herself a more generous nutrient store — which most likely helps her live longer and, in turn, lay more of her eggs.
13:4 Male colors, pheromones and displays may allow females to judge a suitor’s overall fitness and success in life.
13:5 We suspect that (19) (1. physical 2. Chemical 3. Color) signals indicate the quality of a male’s diet: the crucial mating pheromone of male Queen Butterflies, for instance, is produced only when the males have fed at certain plants.
13:6 And vibrant colors can signal younger, healthier individuals.

■第14段落
14:1 As with human beings, some of the attributes and behaviors of butterfly courtship are quite(20) (1. simple 2. tangible 3. elaborate) , whereas others are fairly straightforward.
14:2 Intricate or simple, courtship and mating remain the mechanism by which survival and evolution take place.
14:3 Whether a butterfly watcher catches a glimpse of a swarming colony of Monarchs mating in the mountains of central Mexico or the mating of two alfalfa butterflies in a backyard, the observer is fortunate enough to be watching the results of, and the continuing course of, evolution.

総合政策学部 1999 問1
■第1段落
1:1 To advocates and critics alike, the Human Genome Project will have an impact far beyond the diseases that it might help cure.
1:2 Nobel Laureate Paul Berg, whose work on recombinant DNA* helped (1)(1. turn 2. launch 3. stifle) the biotechnology revolution, calls the genome map “a new beginning for biology.”

1:3 Already the genes of organisms ranging from laboratory mice to the HIV virus are yielding never before revealed (2) (1. Clues 2. Directions 3. Dilemmas) about the mechanisms of living things.

■第4段落
4:1 It is exactly that individualized gene profile that makes even (3) (1. opportunists 2. pessimists 3. enthusiasts) of the genome project wary.

■第5段落
5:1 Gene tests long have been used in prenatal* testing.
5:2 But the next generation of tests will (4)1. Touch 2. Cover 3. Treat) many more lives.
5:3 Geneticists disagree about how much a genetic profile can show, but to an individual it will read like the chart of her lifeline — her chances of developing asthma in childhood, the risk of getting breast cancer in her 40s, or the odds of suffering from Alzheimer’s in old age.

■第7段落
7:1 When scientists offer a powerful new technology, “they are making policy in our Society,” Joan Fujimura, an anthropologist at Stanford University, says.
7:2 “When I talk to scientists, they don’t always see that.”
7:3 Fujimura says even highly influential scientists often see their role as narrowly focused on finding out how nature works, while others in society think of the effect.
7:4 “Biologists are producing the technology that will (5) (1. shape 2. twist 3. capture) our future,” she says.
7:5 “It is important for them to think about the culture that will use their technology, what kind of society we want to have.”

■第10段落
10:1 Those limits — simply practical realities — will prevent most of the outrages that people worry about when they imagine the Brave New World of genomics, Botstein says.
10:2 He tells people to forget (7) (1. brand-name 2. designer 3. master) babies or an engineered human race: It will be mathematically impossible to tinker with enough of our 80,000gene inheritance to design a “perfect” baby, let alone a “master race.”

■第11段落
11:1 Botstein does worry about healthcare discrimination, (8) (1. giving 2. making 3. calling) it a serious social problem.
11:2 But he points out that it is mostly a problem in the United States — in Europe, there is (9) (1. some 2. little 3. a little) incentive to discriminate because everyone is guaranteed some level of healthcare.
11:3 Paul Billings, deputy chief of staff at the Veterans Affairs Medical Center in Palo Alto, says that people like Botstein are (10) (1.deluding 2. cheating 3. camouflaging) themselves if they think that healthcare is the only arena where genetic information is misused.
11:4 He cites a number of nightmarish cases: The 24year old woman fired from her job after her employer learned of her risk of Huntington’s disease, an ailment that usually doesn’t strike until after 40; their recruits turned down by the Air Force because they were (11) (1. carriers 2. patients 3. agents) of sickle cell disease; the two Marines court-martialed for refusing to take a gene test.

■第16段落
16:1 “The idea was to have preemptive discussions,” Cox says.
16:2 “To consider the effects of this technology before it happens so we won’t constantly have to clean up spilt milk.”
16:3 In July, President Clinton (15) (1. admitted 2. appointed 3. adapted) Cox to a new National Bioethics Advisory Commission.

■第17段落
17:1 Cox says that what he’s learned in the ELSI process has taught him to be cautious about how much those achievements mean.
17:2 “You don’t legislate away discrimination,” he says.
17:3 “You just make it more painful for people to discriminate.
17:4 It (16) (1. takes 2. gives 3. makes) a social belief that discrimination on the basis of genetic information is bad.”

■第18段落
18:1 If there is one thing Cox would like to tell people about genes, it is: “It’s genetic” doesn’t mean “it’s (17) (1. inevitable 2. indispensable 3. incalculable) .”

18:2 In fact, Cox says that modern genetic discoveries are changing some of geneticists’ own beliefs about predictability.
18:3 The more they learn, the more they find that our genes are not complete predictors of destiny.

総合政策学部 2,000 問1
■第3段落
3:1 Kay: I think the book makes a good starting point because it was a great invention for distance learning.
3:2 The disembodied nature of the symbols provides a different stimulus to imagination than face- to-face learning does.
3:3 I think reading [1](1. detects 2. lessens 3. strengthens) the ability to imagine things and deal abstractly.
3:4 But, I ask, is there anything a new technology like computers could add?
3:5 In fact there is; not a lot of things, but a couple of really important ones.

■第4段落
4:1 One is dialoging, Socrates preferred method of learning.
4:2 In a good essay, the author [2](1.unless 2. invites 3. increases) the reader to argue with him or her a little bit.
4:3 But debate usually stops in scientific or technical essays when an author puts a formula in.
4:4 Most people, even educated people, [3](1. unless 2. when 3. while) they know something special about the topic or the formula, are pretty much at the mercy of the authors claims.
4:5 So it would be great if those mathematical symbols in a formula could lead into a computer simulation of what’s being talked about in the essay — if the reader could experiment as much as the author had.
4:6 So the computer can provide an extra dimension in which people can argue more deeply with the author.

■第7段落
7:1 Postman: Socrates also says that writing forces us to follow an argument [5](1.more than 2. even more 3. rather than) to participate in it; and I think you see that all the time when a professor is giving a lecture.
7:2 The students are all writing their notes, trying to follow an argument, and abandoning [6](1. any hope 2. some hope 3. no hope) of participating in the argument.
7:3 So I think that interactive computer programs might be a good way of correcting this, because then the learner could participate in the argument.
7:4 But, when people talk about distance learning, they have in mind something that would replace many of the methods of learning we now have, rather than [7](1. restrict 2. add to 3. abstract) them.
7:5 So I have my doubts about how much computers will really change education.

■第8段落
8:1 I always think of the longevity of the lecture method [8](1. in use 2. in demand 3. in style) in most universities.
8:2 In the 15th century, just before the invention of the machine-made book, a professor had the only manuscript of an author’s work.
8:3 So of course, lecturing made sense.
8:4 In the first fifty years after the invention of printing, more than eight million books were printed.
8:5 You would think that the lecture method would have disappeared.
8:6 [9](1.When 2. Why 3. Where) should we have a professor standing in front of a group of students who could all read the same book that the professor had?
8:7 The odd thing is that at New York University, this [10](1. one 2. very 3. only) day, probably 95% of the instruction is through the lecture method.
8:8 So I have to ask why, after 500 years, were still using a method that ought to have become obsolete through technological development.

総合政策学部 2,000 問2
■第1段落
1:1 My students seem to be very concerned — and also very divided — on how to approach the difficult subject of human rights in nonwestern societies.
1:2 Is it right, the question is often asked, that nonwestern societies should be encouraged and pressed to conform to “Western values of liberty and freedom?”
1:3 Is this not cultural imperialism?
1:4 The notion of human rights [1](1. builds 2. reflects 3. dwells) on the idea of a shared community.
1:5 These rights are not derived from citizenship of any country, or membership of any nation, but taken as entitlements of every human being.
1:6 The concept of universal human rights is, in this sense, a uniting idea.
1:7 Yet the subject of human rights has ended up being a very real battleground of political debates and ethical disputes, particularly in their application to nonwestern societies.
1:8 Why so?

■第3段落
3:1 Are there really such [3](1. great mysteries 2. good terms 3. firm differences) on this subject in terms of traditions and cultures across the world ?
3:2 It is certainly true that governmental spokesmen in several Asian countries have not only disputed the relevance and importance of universal human rights, but they have also frequently done this disputing in the name of “Asian values,” in contrast to Western values.
3:3 The claim is that in the system of so-called Asian values, for example in the Confucian system, there is greater emphasis on order and discipline, and [4](1. less 2. fewer 3. than) on rights and freedoms.

■第4段落
4:1 Many Asian spokesmen have gone on to argue that the call for universal acceptance of human rights reflects the imposition of Western values on other cultures.
4:2 For example, the censorship of the press may be more [5](1. restricted 2. benevolent 3. acceptable) , it is argued, in Asian society because of its greater emphasis on discipline and order.

4:3 This position was powerfully expressed by a number of governmental spokesmen from Asia at the Vienna Conference on Human Rights in 1993.

■第5段落
5:1 If one influence in separating out human rights as specifically “Western” comes from the [6](1. pleading 2. denying 3. escaping) of governmental spokesmen from Asia, then another influence relates to the way this issue is perceived in the West itself.
5:2 There is a tendency in Europe and the United States to assume that it is in the West — and
only in the West — that human rights have been valued from ancient times.
5:3 This allegedly unique feature of Western civilization has been, it is assumed, an alien concept[7](1. everywhere 2. anywhere 3. elsewhere) .
5:4 By stressing regional and cultural specificities, these Western theories of the origin of human rights tend to reinforce the questioning of the concept of universal human rights in nonwestern societies.
5:5 By arguing that the valuing of toleration, of personal liberty, and of civil rights is a particular contribution of Western civilization, Western advocates of these rights often give an ironic support to the nonwestern critics of human rights.
5:6 The advocacy of an allegedly “alien” idea in non-Western societies can indeed look like cultural imperialism [8](1. attacked 2. sponsored 3. installed) by the West.

■第9段落
9:1 Do we find similar pronouncements in favor of individual freedom in non-Western traditions, particularly in Asia?
9:2 The answer is emphatically yes.
9:3 Confucius is not the only philosopher in Asia, not even in China.
9:4 There is much variety in Asian intellectual traditions, and many writers did emphasize the importance of freedom and tolerance, and some even saw this as the entitlement of every human being.
9:5 The language of freedom is very important, for example, in Buddhism, which originated and first flourished in South Asia and then spread to Southeast Asia and East Asia, including China, Japan, Korea, and Thailand.
9:6 Even the [14](1. outline 2. layout 3.portrayal) of Confucius as a strict authoritarian is far from accurate.
9:7 Confucius did believe in order, [15](1. and 2. so 3. but) he did not recommend blind loyalty to the ruler.

■第10段落
10:1 The so-called “Western values of freedom and liberty,” sometimes seen as an ancient Western inheritance, are not particularly [16](1.but uniquely 2. but proudly 3. nor exclusively) Western in their origins.
10:2 Many of these values have taken their full form only over the [17](1. last 2. earlier 3. recent) few centuries.
10:3 While we do find some anticipatory components in parts of the ancient Western traditions, there are other such anticipatory components in parts of nonwestern ancient traditions as well.

10:4 On the particular subject of toleration, Plato and Confucius may be on a somewhat similar side, [18](1. such as 2. just as 3. thereby) Aristotle and Ashoka may be on another side.
10:5 The need to acknowledge diversity applies not only between nations and cultures, but also
within each nation and culture.

10:6 In the anxiety to [19](1. write 2. take 3. put) adequate note of international diversity and cultural divergences, and the so-called differences between “Western civilization,”“Asian values,” “African culture, and so on, there is often a dramatic neglect of heterogeneity within each country and culture.
10:7 “Nations” and “cultures” are not particularly good units to understand and analyze intellectual and political differences.
10:8 Lines of division in commitments and skepticism do not run along national boundaries — they
run at many different [20](1. speeds 2. faces 3. Levels) .

10:9 The rhetoric of cultures, with each “culture” seen in largely homogenized terms, can trouble us politically as well as intellectually.

■第9段落
9:1 I don’t know what the answer would be, [11](1. except that 2. so that 3. just that) there is some power in the oral tradition and in the fact of compresence which facilitates learning and makes it into a certain kind of event that can’t be duplicated by technology.
9:2 So I am [12](1. realistic 2. Optimistic 3. Skeptical) when people talk about distance learning as a future process that will replace the current methods of teaching and learning

■第13段落
13:1 An interesting [17]( 1. prospect 2. aspect 3. respect) of this discussion is that technology could lead to a broad change in the way people see themselves, much as the book did.
13:2 In Elizabeth Eisenstein’s book, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change, she ends a chapter by saying that the preprinting culture held narcissism in check, and the printing press released it.
13:3 There is little doubt that the book created a sense of individuality and self that didn’t exist before.

■第15段落
15:1 Postman: So the question arises whether computer technology will further enhance the idea of individuality.
15:2 Perhaps, in this context, individuality may even become a psychological problem, because it would lead to an idea of learning, and even schooling, as a strictly [19](1. educational 2. technological 3. individual) matter.

総合政策学部 2,001 問1
■第3段落
3:1 This is a bit confusing, because it is rather difficult to figure out what is morally [3](1. prevalent 2. relevant 3. evident) about cultural survival in itself.
3:2 The first challenge is to determine just what the term might mean.
3:3 It cannot simply mean the continued existence of the individuals that make up the endangered culture, since their survival is entirely [4] (1. comfortable 2. compounded 3. compatible) with their complete assimilation, and therefore, with the destruction of their culture.
3:4 Nor, however, can it mean the preservation of all existing aspects of a culture; for some degree of cultural change and [5](1. confirmation 2. concentration 3. adaptation) is normal, indeed inevitable.
3:5 Permanent cultural preservation is an ideal we could hardly hope to attain, let alone a worthy guide to policy.

■第5段落
5:1 So why would we think that cultural survival is valuable in itself?
5:2 One argument draws an analogy between cultures and other threatened aspects of the natural world: we ought to preserve cultures because to do otherwise is to allow something unique and [8] (1. irrational 2. irreplaceable 3. irrelevant) to leave the world.
5:3 Refusing to act against assimilation might be thought [9](1. compatible with 2. contrasted with
3. equivalent to), say, shooting the last panda.

■第6段落
6:1 This argument, though, claims too much, for we feel a similar sense of loss when we face not the destruction of a culture but merely it’s reworking from the inside — and, thereby, the loss of specific elements [10](1. within 2. upon 3. beside) the culture.
6:2 Over time, all of our cultures are remade and many traditional norms and practices are abandoned.
6:3 We might easily sympathize that there was a loss to the world in what was thereby abandoned.
6:4 We do have reason to regret that the current ways by which the world is understood — our own ways included — will eventually disappear.
6:5 But our justifiable sadness does not give us good reason to declare that what is now endangered ought to be preserved forever; or to forbid ourselves from altering inherited cultural norms — abandoning some, changing others — and [11](1.adopting 2. excluding 3. enclosing) new ways and customs as our own.

■第7段落
7:1 One might even say that this sadness is the inevitable price we pay for freedom.
7:2 If we had no choice about what norms to adopt, and knew that the next generation would live as our ancestors lived before us, the world might lose one source of trouble but gain many more.

7:3 The “endangered species” approach to [12](1. defending 2. delaying 3. destroying) cultural survival, then, has some serious defects.

■第8段落
8:1 Another line of argument connects the value of cultural survival to the value of cultural [13](1. conformity 2. diversity 3. transformation) , gaining support from the undoubted attractiveness of the latter.
8:2 On reflection, however, the idea of cultural diversity seems scarcely less ambiguous than the notion of cultural survival itself.
8:3 This ambiguity lies in whether it means valuing diverse people of distinct backgrounds or valuing the diversity of backgrounds itself.

■第10段落
10:1 The second notion — that of valuing cultural diversity in the abstract — raises in turn another deep ambiguity, the difference between diversity of cultures and diversity within cultures.
10:2 Exposure to a wide variety of lifeways is clearly of great moral value; it enables people to flourish in ways that conformity and sameness instead suppress.
10:3 But there is no necessary [15](1. break 2. link 3. chain) between the desirability of diversity within cultures and the demand that there be a wide variety of cultures themselves.

■第11段落
11:1 Cultural survival, then, seems surprisingly hard to fashion into an attractive ideal.
11:2 But in many of the cases of cultural loss that motivate activists and popular sentiment, something else is going on [16](1.except 2. besides 3. additionally) the simple disappearance of particular cultures and folkways.
11:3 All too many aboriginal groups, for example, face persistent marginalization*.
11:4 This suggests that it is not the disappearance of a culture so much as the reason for its loss that should be the focus of our moral attention.
11:5 We should condemn and seek to remedy the discrimination and poverty faced by peoples around the world.
11:6 But it is [17](1. invaluable 2. justifiable 3. mistaken) to think that the best way to achieve this is to insist that cultural survival is a value in itself.

■第13段落
13:1 The proper focus for our moral concern, then, is [19](1. by all means 2. not 3. except) the survival of cultures as collective practices and traditions, but rather the political, civil and human rights of the individuals that constitute the cultures.
13:2 A culture has no moral claim to [20](1. temporal 2. transient 3. eternal) existence, especially as against the rights and choices of its own individual members.
13:3 Our concern about cultures, endangered or otherwise, should ultimately stem from the moral status and rights of their individual members.

総合政策学部 2,002 問2、
■第1段落
1:1 It has been recognized since earliest times that some restraints should be observed during armed conflict.
1:2 Already in the Old Testament* there are instances of limitations set by God.
1:3 Sun Tzu* maintained that in war one should attack the enemy armies, and that “the worst policy is to attack cities.
1:4 Attack cities only when there is no alternative.”
1:5 In ancient India it was considered that war should be conducted on a basis of equality between the opponents:

1:6 “A car warrior should fight a car warrior.
1:7 One on horse should fight one on horse.
1:8 Elephant riders must fight with elephant riders, as one on foot fights a foot soldier.”
1:9 According to Homer*, the ancient Greeks considered that the use of poison on weapons was forbidden by the gods;
1:10 and among the city states, temples and priests and embassies could not be attacked.
1:11 The Romans were more regular and disciplined soldiers than those of any other ancient nation.
1:12 They did not, as a rule, lower themselves to indiscriminate massacre and [1](1. unrestrained 2. unavailable 3. spotted) destruction.

■第4段落
4:1 [8](1. Such 2. Forbidden 3. It) was not only through the military codes or the rules of chivalry that basic rules for the conduct of war were developing.
4:2 During the Crusades*, religious hatred tended to lead to the total destruction of the enemy.
4:3 However, by the twelfth century, the Knights of the Order of St. John had established a hospital in Jerusalem for the care of the sick as well as for [9](1. dead 2. injured 3. killed) soldiers.
4:4 In 1552, French Commander François de Guise ordered the French army doctor Amboise Para to take care of the abandoned wounded soldiers of the enemy and to make arrangements for their transport back to their army.

■第5段落
5:1 The first international agreement aimed at limiting the conduct of armed conflict was drawn up at the end of Crimean War in 1856.
5:2 In terms of its contents, a more important agreement was the Geneva Convention* of 1864 for the proper treatment of the wounded in armies in the field, signed only a year after the founding conference of the Red Cross.
5:3 The 1864 Convention was [10](1. legalized 2. reconstructed 3. revised) by the latter Geneva Conventions of 1906, 1929 and 1949.
5:4 The contents of the Geneva Conventions include the protection of the sick and the wounded in the field, prisoners of war, as well as the civilian population.
5:5 [11](1. However 2. In sum 3. On the contrary), the Geneva Conventions, collectively known as the Geneva Law, are related to the humanitarian treatment of people, soldiers and civilians, even in the midst of armed conflict.

■第9段落
9:1 During World War II, it became clear that the Laws of Geneva and Hague as they existed were inadequate in relation to the new methods of conducting war that widely involved civilian populations, and to the newly invented weapons such as the atomic bomb.
9:2 Therefore, the rules of armed conflict did not correspond to the new methods of modern war.
9:3 Nevertheless, if a case were brought before a court, the legality of such new methods of war had to be [15](1. evaluated 2. invented 3. Speculated) based on the existing law.
9:4 In 1963, in an opinion on the use of atomic bombs in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the District Court of Tokyo held that even though the rules of Air Warfare were not written in a treaty they had become international customary law by the start of the World War II, and the indiscriminate aerial bombardment on [16](1. a disdefended 2. an antidefense 3. an undefended) city was perceived to be contrary to the rules of international customary law.

■第10段落
10:1 Another opinion was offered by the International Court of Justice (ICJ).
10:2 In 1996, [17](1. anonymously 2. unanimously 3.necessarily) held that “A threat or use of force by means of nuclear weapons that is contrary to Article 2, paragraph 4 of the United Nations Charter* and that fails to meet all the requirements of Article 51 [relating to self-defense], is unlawful.”
10:3 Nevertheless, it went [18](1. toward 2. again 3. on) to hold that in the current state of international law, the Court cannot conclude definitively whether the threat or use of nuclear weapons would be lawful or unlawful in an extreme circumstance of self-defense, in which the very survival of a State would be at stake.

■第12段落
12:1 The debate over the legal status of nuclear weapons continues to dominate contemporary international politics.
12:2 The inability of international conferences to come up with an agreed resolution on the rules of conflict and disarmament has led in recent years to a growing grassroots movement on the part of war-weary [20](1. populations 2. lawyers 3. politicians) .
12:3 More and more, the frontline work of disarmament and weapons control has been carried out by NGOs around the world.
12:4 Whether successful or not, these organizations have been crucial in bringing the issue of peace to world attention, and making the issue of arms control part of an international public debate.

総合政策学部 2002 問1
■第3段落
3:1 One such company is Barilla Alimentary.
3:2 Founded in 1877 by an Italian family, it is now one of the largest producers of pasta in the world.
3:3 Recently, it [4](1. withdrew 2. launched 3. spread) a subsidiary* in the Middle East with the joint Cooperation of Egypt, Jordan, the Palestinian Authority, and the Israel based Peres Center for Peace.
3:4 This agricultural venture will create a new strain of wheat that will be used to make pasta for local consumption and export, [5](1. assuming 2. receiving 3. providing) employment and technology to local producers and fostering links between Israel and the Arab states.

■第4段落
4:1 Siemens Data Communications (SDC), an Israel-based electrical -engineering company, has [6](1. same objects 2. similar goals 3. different purposes) .
4:2 In October 1998, SDC and a Palestinian engineering company signed a pioneering joint venture in which SDC agreed to hire, train, and integrate Palestinian engineers into company projects.
4:3 This contract [7](1.hardly 2. neatly 3. rarely) solved two problems: first, it lowered the high rates of unemployment among Palestinian engineers; and second, it filled the gaps in the Israeli labor market.
4:4 As for the success of this joint venture, Ari Ben-Zichri, the head of research and development at SDC, noted, “during the training period at SDC there was no tension of any kind even though many of the Israeli employees were in the army and helped to put down the uprisings in Ramallah.”
4:5 One of the Palestinian employees stressed that “As engineers, we all speak the same language and have the same goals.
4:6 I think the only real hope for a peaceful settlement [8](1. Lies in 2. Results in 3. differs from) such cooperative projects.”

 

■第5段落
5:1 Peace Works, founded in 1994, also believes that peace may be reached through joint enterprise, but it is [9](1. by no means 2. not only 3. perhaps) unique because it was established expressly for the purpose of encouraging the development of cooperative business ventures between different groups of people.
5:2 To qualify for PeaceWorks’ aid, companies must be crowned by persons of different nationalities or ethnicities that have habitually been in conflict.
5:3 Peace Works serves as a consultant for marketing these companies’ products and [10](1. exchanging 2. facilitating 3. profiting) distribution and sales.
5:4 Peace Works is now a multinational corporation with more than 3,000 sales outlets in the United States alone.
5:5 Peace Works Specialty Foods, a subsidiary of Peace Works, supports ventures between Israeli manufacturers who buy their raw materials from Palestinian farmers; it also directs a project involving a Texan manufacturer and farmers in the strife filled Mexican state of Chiapas.
5:6 Peace Works provides similar services to the textile and clothing industries.
5:7 The Arab co-owner of a company with which PeaceWorks [11](1. promotes 2. disputes 3. collaborates) commented, “Companies like this are good for the Arab people, better than making war.”
5:8 Peace Works’ local partners are not the only ones acknowledging its work so far.
5:9 Global leaders have also acknowledged the success of Peace Works.

■第7段落
7:1 The BOC model is built on the idea that business can create the setting necessary to reach long-lasting Social understanding and prosperity in conflict regions while simultaneously achieving its business objectives.
7:2 It works at three levels.
7:3 First, human interaction: when people work together under conditions of equality, they overcome cultural stereotypes.
7:4 Second, commercial cooperation: all businesses profiting from joint Ventures [13](1. achieve 2. restrain 3. refrain) a fixed interest in preserving those business ties.
7:5 And finally, regional participation: the people participating in joint ventures “gain a stake in the system,” which eventually leads to even greater stability.

■第8段落
8:1 [14](1. Essentially 2. Repeatedly 3. On the contrary) , the model establishes a connection between states and private sector companies that secure employment and technology for the areas where they operate.
8:2 Barilla, SDC, and Peace Works have all put this theory [15]( 1. aside 2. into practice 3. on trial); not only do they provide links between different groups of people that have been at odds with each other, but they also Create local employment, technological development, and profits.

■第10段落
10:1 The BOC report outlines these potential gains, but it also warns of some difficulties in applying the model to real life.
10:2 Furthermore, the socioeconomic impact of the model is limited by the number of companies incorporating it into their operations framework.
10:3 BOC committee members believe that before their model can have a powerful effect, it must reach “critical mass,” with a sufficient number of corporations following its guidelines.
10:4 The success of the model [19](1.also 2. Scarcely 3. Thereby) depends on the assumption that joint business ventures are based on a relationship of equality between partners.
10:5 If these relations are not rooted in an equal and honest alliance, the ventures may not succeed in reducing tensions between groups in conflict.
10:6 Daily commercial interaction alone does not guarantee a peaceful coexistence.

総合政策学部 2006 問2、
■第1段落
1:1 Rural areas of the Southeast Asian mainland and the agricultural sector in general, form the majority of Southeast Asia’s population.
1:2 Rural agricultural areas, including forested land, constitute more than half of Southeast Asia’s land area.
1:3 The number of persons [31] (1. taken 2. engaged 3. residing) in agriculture, part or full time, varies from country to country.
1:4 It averages, however, between 70% and 80%.
1:5 In terms of these factors, that is, land and population, the rural areas are important.
1:6 Even more important are the local people’s ways of [32] (1.responding 2. opposing 3. appealing)to modern development, especially in terms of their economic and social benefits and costs.

■第2段落
2:1 Looked at [33] (1. with 2. from 3. as) an economic point of view, the agricultural sector becomes extremely important.
2:2 Developing nations throughout Asia depend on agricultural production both for domestic consumption and for their export economies.
2:3 Further, close to 45% of Southeast Asia’s economy in terms of GDP (Gross Domestic Product) depends on agriculture.
2:4 These developing countries’ livelihood itself comes from their agricultural products.
2:5 Further, rural people in small communities contribute in [34] (1.erratic 2.probable. 3.direct) ways to the whole society as well as the environmental conservation of Southeast Asia.
2:6 But they also bear new costs related to the stresses of economic development.

■第4段落
4:1 These problems include, first, education and the job market.
4:2 There is a mismatch between the education in rural areas and the [37] (1. prices 2. Skills 3. Demands) of the modern labor market.
4:3 Modern forms of employment require updated skills and education, and often cannot absorb workers with only a basic education.
4:4 Second, in many cases such people have lost their traditional livelihood.
4:5 The land or the forest on which the rural majority [38] (1. rests 2. places 3. depends) can be bought up by corporations, industries, or real estate developers, or it can be lost through the failure to understand the complicated legal requirements of private ownership.
4:6 When land or forest is cleared for development, their livelihood disappears.
4:7 As their education does not equip them to find immediate employment elsewhere, their survival is in [39] (1. jeopardy 2. need 3. consequence) .

■第5段落
5:1 Third, modern agriculture uses chemicals to kill weeds and insect pests as well as to fertilize the soil in order to increase productivity.
5:2 In principle, it is desirable to increase productivity and the [40] (1. income 2. expense 3. consumption) that goes with it.
5:3 For this reason farmers often agree to use expensive, imported chemical fertilizers and pesticides.
5:4 As farmers are frequently exposed to these chemicals, they are also the most numerous [41] (1. causes 2. vehicles 3. victims) of the illnesses associated with them.
5:5 Further, the average farmer cannot afford the constant expenses that are needed to maintain modern agricultural products.
5:6 When prices on the international market are high, they may be able to recover their expenses, but when prices drop, their debts increase.

■第6段落
6:1 Finally, people who have lost their land to developers and have no economic resources to fall back on are normally forced to rely on occasional employment in seasonal or day labor.
6:2 More often, they must migrate to find work.
6:3 When they go out to find work, they encounter new and different problems at their work destinations.
6:4 The family who remain in the village also bear a larger burden due to the [42] (1. absence 2. power 3. effort) of the adult earner.
6:5 All of these newly arising problems need new solutions and new ways of formulating them.

■第8段落
8:1 Modern governance and representative democracy, however, bring in people from the center or capital city to govern the local area.
8:2 These outsiders are normally from urban areas and are highly educated.
8:3 They have an understanding of the central governments politics and the way that government organizations operate in decision-making.
8:4 But this does not mean that they can understand the local or traditional way of life.
8:5 They often do not possess either local knowledge, or knowledge of the reasons behind local ways of living.
8:6 [45] (1. Discussions 2. Merging 3. Conflicts) of opinion can easily occur between them and the local people.

■第9段落
9:1 In fact, within traditional ways of life, there was traditional or indigenous knowledge, that is, knowledge about the natural environment, about sustainable production and consumption, and about remedies for illnesses.
9:2 With modernization, “modern” knowledge that comes from education and textbooks was given priority.
9:3 [46] (1. Such 2. They 3. So) were the uses of machinery and chemicals in work and production.
9:4 Until recently these had been seen as the sole ways of finding solutions to agricultural poverty.
9:4 Now, however, the world has begun talking about sustainable development [47] (1. as though 2. merely 3. in order) to overcome our previous tendency to overconsumption and pollution.
9:5 And for us to achieve sustainability in the 21st century, we must once again put into practice traditional kinds of knowledge.

 

■第10段落
10:1 Nowadays, in many areas of rural Asia, local communities are using their traditional knowledge and finding their own ways to address problems and pursue development, including marketing local products made by community businesses.
10:2 Local movements and associations have also succeeded in greatly reducing the [48] (1. base 2. use 3. price) of harmful chemicals in agriculture.
10:3 Local government agricultural offices, some NGOs, and academic experts have worked together to seek ways of [49] (1. replacing 2. producing 3. promoting) chemical agriculture without loss of income.
10:4 Further, the villages and rural districts now have their own elected officials who were born in the same area, and who understand local ways of thinking and local ways to make and market local products.

総合政策学部 2006 問1
■第4段落
4:1 Ed Diner thinks of this predilection as a “gift” bestowed on people by evolution that helps us adapt and flourish even in fairly trying circumstances.
4:2 But there are other [6] (1. theories 2. conditions 3. facts) .
4:3 Maybe, he thinks, were “socialized” to be happy, in order to facilitate smooth social functioning.
4:4 Whatever the reasons for this gift, however, its benefits don’t seem to be [7] (1. positively 2. evenly 3. exactly) distributed around the globe.

■第5段落
5:1 Latin Americans, for example, are among the happiest people in the world, according to study [8] (1. after 2. from 3. by) study.
5:2 An international survey of college students in the mid1990s compared so-called national differences in positivity and ranked Puerto Rico, Colombia and Spain as the three most cheerful.

5:3 To those who [9] (1. evaluate 2. count 3. equate) happiness with digital cable and icecube- dispensing refrigerator doors, these results may be surprising.
5:4 But not to Ed Diner.
5:5 For him, the astonishingly high spirits of the relatively poor Puerto Ricans and Colombians [10] (1. depart 2. Stem 3. Escape) from a “positivity tendency” that “may be rooted in cultural norms regarding the value of believing in aspects of life in general to be good.”

5:6 We take this to mean that Latin Americans are happier because they look on the sunny side of life.

■第6段落
6:1 This positivity tendency does not appear to be popular in East Asia.
6:2 Among the bottom five in the study are Japan, China and South Korea.
6:3 “We have found that East Asians tend to weight the worst areas of their lives when computing their life satisfaction, Ed Diner reports.
6:4 That’s the weight of cultural expectation, says Shigehiro Oishi, a professor of psychology at the University of Virginia, who does research on the connection between culture and wellbeing.
6:5 According to Oishi, in most North American and western European cultures there is a general [11] (1. process 2. rule 3. tendency) to value happiness.
6:6 In the U.S., when people ask how you are, you have to say, “I’m fine”, but in Japan, you can say, “I’m dying.”

6:7 And even if you are thriving in Asia, lifting yourself above others by proclaiming your O. Knees in public may [12] (1. comply 2. clash 3. Combine) with broader goals which go beyond the immediate individual goals, says Oishi.
6:8 So you don’t.

■第7段落
7:1 If Colombians are happy mostly because they really like to be and Japanese are not so happy because, for them, happiness isn’t part of the plan, it would seem to follow that SWB has less to do with [13](1. subjective 2. material 3. unbiased) wellbeing and more to do with attitude.
7:2 This leads one, of course, to the case of the French.
7:3 Oishi notes that a “happy-go-lucky attitude” is not highly [14] (1. valued 2. unique 3. unusual)there, and thus France ranks lower than Denmark or Sweden on happiness surveys.
7:4 From this we might conclude that the Danes are happier than the French.
7:5 Yet the French report themselves to be healthier than the Danes do.
7:6 And happy or not, the French live longer than the Danes.
7:7 “This is a sort of paradox,” says Oishi.
7:8 Well, not if you really know French people.

■第11段落
11:1 Biswas-Diener cautions that national-happiness rankings are crude, simplistic instruments.
11:2 They don’t reflect, for instance, the unique experiences of certain subcultures or the differing outlooks of people in the countryside and those in the city.
11:3 Still, it’s interesting and quite amusing to gaze at the big scoreboard and speculate about what makes Puerto Ricans so cheerful and South Koreans so somber, and why the American Dream and the Slovenian Dream, by one measure, inspire identical levels of contentment.
11:4 The key is to take the rankings [20] (1. seriously 2. lightly 3. literally) .
11:5 To draw a profound moral from global-happiness studies would be futile.

総合政策学部 2,008 問1
■第1段落
1:1 Some people think that science and common sense are alike because science is a systematic and controlled extension of common sense, which is, in turn, a series of concepts and conceptual schemes satisfactory for practical uses.
1:2 But science and common sense differ in two significant ways.
1:3 First, their uses of conceptual schemes and theoretical structures are strikingly different.
1:4 [1] (1. Since 2. While. Now that) the man in the street uses “theories” and concepts, he ordinarily does so in a loose fashion.
1:5 He often accepts fanciful explanations of natural and human phenomena.
1:6 An illness, for instance, may be thought to be a punishment for sin.
1:7 The scientist, on the other hand, systematically builds her theoretical structures, tests them for[2] (1. internal 2. external 3. social) consistency, and subjects aspects of them [3] (1. for 2. to 3. through) empirical testing.
1:8 Furthermore, she knows that the concepts she is using are manmade terms that may or may not exhibit a close relation to reality.

■第3段落
3:1 There is little doubt that hypotheses are important and indispensable tools for scientific research.
3:2 Indeed you can call hypotheses the [7](1. working 2. Newly-devised 3. Easy-toaccess)instruments of theory.
3:3 Hypotheses can be deduced from theory.
3:4 If, for instance, we are working on a theory of aggression, we are presumably looking for causes and effects of aggressive behavior.
3:5 We might have observed cases of aggressive behavior occurring after frustrating circumstances.
3:6 The theory, then, might include the following proposition: Frustration produces aggression.
3:7 From this proposition, we may deduce more specific hypotheses, such as the following:
3:8 Preventing children from reaching goals they find desirable (thus causing frustration) will result in their fighting with each other (i.e., aggression);

3:9 If children are deprived of parental love (causing frustration), they will react, in part, with aggressive behavior.

■第4段落
4:1 The use of the hypothesis in scientific investigation is similar to playing a game of chance.
4:2 The rules of the game are [8]( 1. held forth 2.Set up 3. taken over) , and bets are made, in advance.
4:3 One cannot change the rules after an outcome,[9] ( 1. seldom 2. Never 3. Nor) can one change ones bet after making it.
4:4 That would not be fair.
4:5 One cannot throw the dice first and then bet.
4:6 Similarly, if one gathers data first, then [10] (1. selects 2. throws 3. spares) only a few data and comes to a conclusion on the basis of those few data, one has violated the rules of the scientific game.
4:7 The game would not be fair because the investigator could easily [11] (1. capitalize on 2. take over 3. give in), say, two significant relations out of five tested.
4:8 What happens to the other three?
4:9 They might be forgotten.
4:10 But in a fair game every throw of the dice is counted, in the [12] (1. game 2. hypothesis 3. sense) that one either wins or does not win on the basis of the outcome of each throw.
4:11 The main point is that the purpose of hypotheses is to direct inquiry.
4:12 As Darwin pointed out long ago, all observations have to be for or against some view, if they are to be of any U1Se.

■第5段落
5:1 Hypotheses are derived from theory.
5:2 A good theory produces good hypotheses.
5:3 And yet, it is also hypotheses that make theories better and sounder.
5:4 There are two aspects to handling hypotheses: hypothesis making and hypothesis testing.
5:5 [13] (1. Distinguishing 2. Discounting 3. Defending) these aspects are the key to seeing how hypotheses can contribute to theory.
5:6 For example, Freud had a theory of anxiety that included the concept of “repression.”
5:7 [14] (1. By 2. On 3. To) repression, Freud meant the forcing of unacceptable ideas into the unconscious.
5:8 Testing Freud’s theory is thus a difficult matter, because the concepts of “repression” and the “unconscious” need to be defined in a measurable, empirical way.
5:9 This is [15] (1. part 2. Soil. Most) of making a hypothesis and testing it empirically.
5:10 If the concepts used in a hypothesis are operationally defined, that is, empirically testable, then a scientist can test the theory itself, and the theory can be improved upon.
5:11 [16] (1. Relative to 2. Depending Oil 3. Owing to) the hypothesis-testing activity tests not only the hypothesis in question but also the validity of the theory under consideration.

■第6段落
6:1 Hypotheses are important in scientific investigation in that they can be tested and shown to be probably true or probably false.
6:2 Isolated facts are not tested;
6:3 only relations are tested.
6:4 The fact that hypotheses are relational propositions is the main [17] (1. way 2. reason 3. argument) they are used in scientific inquiry.
6:5 They are, in essence, predictions of the form, “If A, then B” which we set up to test the relation between A and B.
6:6 We [18] (1. let 2. make 3. see) the facts have a chance to establish the probable truth or falsity of the hypothesis.
6:7 A hypothesis is a prediction.
6:8 It says that if x occurs, y will also occur.
6:9 That is, y is predicted from x.
6:10 If, then, x is made to occur, and it is observed that y also occurs, then the hypothesis is confirmed.
6:11 This is more powerful evidence than simply observing, [19] (1. with reservations 2. within the limit 3. without prediction), the covering of x and y.
6:12 The scientist makes a bet that x leads to y.
6:13 If, in an experiment, x does lead to y, then she wins the bet.
6:14 She cannot just enter the game at any point and pick a perhaps accidental common occurrence of x and y.
6:15 Games are not played this way.
6:16 She must play according to the rules, and the rules in science are made to minimize error.

■第7段落
7:1 Hypotheses are an essential part of the rules of the game.
7:2 The scientist disciplines the whole business by writing systematic and testable hypotheses.
7:3 If an explanation cannot be formulated in the form of a testable hypothesis, then it can be considered to be a [20] (1. metaphysical 2. plausible 3. critical) explanation and thus not amenable to scientific investigation.
7:4 As such, it is dismissed by the scientist as being of no interest.

総合政策学部 2008 問2
■第1段落
1:1 In 1996, the World Food Summit set a goal of halving the number of hungry people worldwide by 2015.
1:2 In 2000, the United Nations as a whole adopted a set of goals which included halving poverty and hunger by the year 2015.
1:3 The world came together in order to tackle the hunger problem.
1:4 And yet, conditions have [31] (1.deteriorated 2. rebounded 3. developed) in many places.
1:5 Indeed, according to The State of Food Insecurity in the World 2003, the annual hunger report of the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the United Nations, the number of people suffering from hunger worldwide has begun to rise once more.

■第2段落
2:1 With a view to identifying the causes of this failure, the report begins with an analysis of countries that have, [32] (1. deceptively 2. naturally 3. on the contrary) , been successful in dealing with hunger.
2:2 In Brazil and in China, rapid overall economic growth has led to significant growth of agriculture in particular.
2:3 Both countries have made an [33] (1. obligation 2. illustration 3. effort) to control population growth and develop human resources, and have relatively low rates of HIV infection.

■第3段落
3:1 Nevertheless, the number of hungry people has grown in many other regions.
3:2 Drought, civil war and growing numbers of AIDS patients have led to stagnation in agricultural food production.
3:3 HIV/AIDS has [34] (1. robbed 2. attacked 3. downgraded) many developing countries of valuable labor, leading to poverty and hunger.
3:4 In some developing countries, on the other hand, agricultural production has been expanded to an [35] (1. unreasonable 2. appropriate 3.accumulated) level to support population growth, leading to environmental problems.

■第5段落
5:1 The growing awareness of the impact of climate change and biodiversity on food security and hunger has produced some interesting approaches to the issue.
5:2 M. S. Swami Nathan, the Chair for Eco technology in U.N.E.S.C.O., described what he considers to be a way to turn awareness into action.
5:3 Speaking on Agriculture on Our Spaceship Earth” in 1973, he proposed a strategy called do ecology” to deal with problems in developing countries.
5:4 The “do ecology” strategy revolves around activities which will [38] (1. generate 2. curtail 3. conceal) an awareness of the economic possibilities of conservation and will thus help to reduce poverty.
5:5 Two recent examples of “do ecology” below show its great potential.

■第7段落
7:1 The same tsunami [42] (1. dictated to 2. concealed from 3. demonstrated to) farmers living near the shoreline the importance of conserving local varieties of rice.
7:2 Several thousand hectares of rice fields along the coast became flooded with sea water.
7:3 Most varieties of rice [43] (1. survived 2. perished 3. mutated), but a few salt resistant ones withstood the flood.
7:4 This disaster, however, greatly helped to promote the conservation of local biodiversity, and now every farmer wishes to maintain a “seed bank” for the preservation of seeds belonging to diverse varieties.
7:5 The disaster became an opportunity to prepare both fishing and farming communities to meet the [44] (1. challenges 2. demands 3. diseases) that are directly linked to a rise in sea level.
7:6 The biodiversity conservation movements in this area have now become community driven.

■第8段落
8:1 A second example relates to the revitalization of the conservation traditions of tribal communities in the Eastern region of India.
8:2 Fifty years ago, the tribal communities in the Kora put region of Orissa in eastern India were familiar with more than 1,000 varieties of rice, but at the turn of the century this [45] (1. hope 2. moment 3. figure) had fallen drastically.
8:3 The people’s “dying wisdom” was related to the vanishing of their crops.

■第9段落
9:1 It became clear that the only way these tribal families would once again start conserving biodiversity would be by connecting conservation to economics.
9:2 A [46] ( 1. dynamic 2. gradual 3. mechanical) program of participatory conservation and breeding, coupled with agricultural improvements, soon led to a big spurt in the production of “Kalajeera,” an aromatic local variety of rice, which is being snapped up by the market almost as soon as it is harvested.
9:3 The same has started happening in southern India with medicinal varieties of rice used in traditional medical practice, and with under-utilized grains in Tamil Nadu.

■第10段落
10:1 Indeed, the practice of “do ecology” can be [47] (1. triggered 2. followed 3. symbolized) by an ecological disaster.
10:2 Preaching does not help.
10:3 We see this being demonstrated in areas of the Punjab too.
10:4 Thirty years ago, when it was pointed out to Punjab farmers that their livelihoods would be threatened by the [48](1. modest 2. specified 3. excessive) use of chemical fertilizers and the overexploitation of ground water, they listened politely, but did not change course.
10:5 Now, in a despairing mood, they are ready to change.
10:6 The adverse economics of unsustainable farming has led to indebtedness and occasional suicides.
10:7 The timing has become [49] (1. inappropriate 2. tricky. opportune) for farmers to take to conservation farming.

総合政策学部 2,009 問1
■第2段落
2:1 That’s because Shackleton failed only at the improbable; he succeeded at the unimaginable.
2:2 “I love the fight and when things are easy, I hate It.” he once wrote to his wife, Emily.
2:3 He [2] (1.fought his way toward 2.managed to reach 3.lost track of) the South Pole in 1902 when he was part of a three-man Farthest South team on the Discovery expedition of the renowned explorer Robert F. Scott.
2:4 But the men turned back only after walking their ravaged bodies to within 460 miles of the Pole in a terrifying cold experienced by only a handful of human beings at that time.
2:5 Six years later, commanding his own expedition, Shackleton was forced to turn back a [3] (1.heartfelt 2. hearty 3. heartbreaking) 97 miles short of the Pole, but only after realizing it would be certain death by starvation had his team continued.
2:6 He was forgiven that [4] (1. accomplishment 2. failure 3. crisis) in light of the greatness of the effort;
2:7 he was knighted by King Edward Wall and honored as a hero throughout the world.

■第3段落
3:1 His greatest failure was his 19141916 Endurance expedition.
3:2 He lost his ship before even [5] (1. touching 2. abandoning 3. leaving) Antarctica.
3:3 But he reached a new pinnacle in leadership when he successfully led all the members of his crew to safety after an agonizing two-year fight for their lives.

 

■第5段落
5:1 Sir Ernest set out at age forty on an independent voyage to make what he considered the last great expedition [7] ( 1. accomplished 2. left 3. devoted) on earth: an eighteen-hundredmile crossing of Antarctica on foot.
5:2 The expedition ship, named the Endurance after the Shackleton family motto Fortitude Vicious, By Endurance We Conquer,” set sail in August 1914 at the dawn of World War I and [8] (1. made up with 2. made its way to 3. made off with) Buenos Aires, to South Georgia Island, and eventually to the Antarctic Circle, where it plowed through one thousand miles of ice-Encrusted waters.
5:3 Just one days sail [9] (1. from 2. beyond 3. near) its destination in Vassal Bay on the Antarctic coast, the ship got stuck like an almond in a chocolate bar” as it was later described, in the polar ice of the Weddell Sea.

■第6段落
6:1 The men [10] (1. would have been stranded 2. could be stranded 3. were stranded) on an ice floe more than twelve hundred miles from the farthest outposts of civilization.
6:2 Whenever it seemed the situation couldn’t possibly get worse, it did.
6:3 The pack ice precariously dragged the ship north for ten months.
6:4 Then, the Endurance was crushed and the men were forced to camp on the ice.
6:5 They watched in horror one month later as their vessel sank to the bottom of the sea.
6:6 No one knew anything had happened to them.
6:7 All they had to [11] (1. throw away 2. rely on 3. wait for) were three lifeboats salvaged from the ship.
6:8 Shackleton allowed each crew member to carry only a few items necessary for survival.
6:9 The first things [12] (1. agreed 2. exchanged 3. tossed) : gold coins and a Bible; saved were personal diaries and a banjo.

■第12段落
12:1 Some sixty years after the rescue, an interviewer asked Endurance First Officer Lionel Green street, “How did you survive when so many expeditions [20] ( 1. competed 2. perished 3. elapsed)?”
12:2 The old officer, then eighty-two, answered in one word : “Shackleton.”

総合政策学部 2010 問1
■ 第3段落
3:1 The problem is that they are often scared of the wrong things.
3:2 It’s not their fault, really.
3:3 Separating facts from rumors is always [5] (1. hard work 2. hard-line 3. hard luck) , especially for a busy parent.
3:4 And the white noise generated by the experts―to say nothing of the pressure exerted by fellow parents is―so [6] (1. overwhelmed 2. overwhelming 3. being overwhelmed) that they can barely think for themselves.
3:5 The facts they do manage to glean have usually been varnished or exaggerated or otherwise taken [7] (1. into consideration 2. out of context 3. by surprise) to serve an agenda that isn’t their own.

■ 第7段落
7:1 Sandman’s “control” [10] (1. predicament 2. contradiction 3. principle) might also explain why most people are more scared of flying in an airplane than driving a car.
7:2 Their thinking [11] ( 1. goes like 2. disagrees with 3. passes judgment on) this; since I control the car, I am the one keeping myself safe; since I have no control of the airplane, I am at the mercy of myriad [12] (1. external 2. internal 3. undisputed) factors.

■ 第8段落
8:1 So which should we actually fear more, flying or driving?
8:2 It might first help to ask a more basic question: what, exactly, are we afraid of?
8:3 Death, presumably.
8:4 But the fear of death needs to be [13] (1. acted upon 2. narrowed down 3. held out) .
8:5 Of course we all know that we are bound to die, and we might worry about it casually.
8:5 But if you are told that you have a 10 percent chance of dying within the next year, you might worry a lot more, perhaps even [14] (1. chose 2. being chosen 3. choosing) to live your life differently.
8:6 And if you are told that you have a 10 percent chance of dying within the next minute, you’ll probably panic.
8:6 So it’s the [15] (1. eminent 2. immanent 3. imminent) possibility of death that drives the fear―which means that the most sensible way to calculate fear of death would be to think about it on a per-hour basis.

■ 第10段落
10:1 So why is a swimming pool less frightening than a gun?
10:2 The thought of a child being shot through the chest with a neighbor’s gun is gruesome, dramatic, horrifying―in a word, outrageous.
10:3 Swimming pools do not [17](1.inform 2. contain 3. limit) outrage.
10:4 This is due in part to the familiarity factor.
10:5 Just as most people spend more time in cars than in airplanes, most of us have a lot more experience swimming in pools than shooting guns.
10:6 But it takes only about thirty seconds for a child to drown, and it often happens noiselessly.
10:7 An infant can drown in water as shallow as a few inches.
10:8 The steps to prevent drowning, meanwhile, are pretty straightforward: a watchful adult, a fence around the pool, a locked back door so a toddler doesn’t slip outside [18] (1. unwarned 2. unpunished 3. unnoticed).

■ 第11段落
11:1 If every parent followed these precautions, the lives of perhaps four hundred young children could be saved each year.
11:2 That would [19] (1. outnumber 2. succeed 3. proceed) the lives saved by two of the most widely promoted inventions in recent memory: safer cribs and child car seats.
11:3 The data show that car seats are, [20] (1. in the least 2. for the most . at best) , nominally helpful.
11:4 It is certainly safer to keep a child in the rear seat than sitting on a lap in the front seat, where in the event of an accident he essentially becomes a projectile.
11:5 But the safety to be gained here is from preventing the kids from sitting in the front seat, not from strapping them into a 200 car seat.
11:5 Nevertheless, many parents so magnify the benefit of a car seat that they trek to the local police station or firehouse to have it installed just right.
11:6 Theirs is a gesture of love, surely, but also a gesture of what might be called obsessive parenting.

環境情報学部 2009 問1
■第3段落
3:1 Climate change will only make matters worse, with shifting patterns of rainfall and rising sea levels threatening to render large tracts of agricultural land [3] (1. infeasible 2. insignificant 3. useless) .
3:2 Add a cruel and recently discovered twist the poisoning of many millions of people by well water contaminated with arsenic and it’s clear that Bangladesh represents a challenging case study for anyone who wants to solve the world’s water problems.

■第4段落
4:1 “Nowhere is water more dominant in people’s lives,” says British geographer John Soussan.

4:2 And nowhere better illustrates the complexity of producing [4] (1. visible 2. subjective 3.workable) solutions to water resource problems.
4:3 The threats that face Bangladesh’s supplies are intimately interconnected:
4:4 thwart one, [5] (1. and 2.or 3. for) you can create problems downstream―sometimes literally.

 

■第6段落
6:1 The picture looks bleak, but experts point out that Bangladesh is, in some ways, a victim of its own success.
6:2 Given the hydrological hand they were dealt, the inhabitants of the Bengal Delta traditionally grew low-yielding but flood tolerant rice, and fished wetlands and pools that were recharged by annual floods.
6:3 This could support a modest population at [8](1. Flat 2. Similar 3. Subsistence) levels, but no more.
6:4 Since the late 1950s, however, aiddonor-backed irrigation schemes, later incorporating groundwater pumping, have opened up vast areas of fertile delta soil to the plough.
6:4 Now almost all of the land in Bangladesh that is suitable for agriculture is in use.
6:5 High-yielding rice varieties have boosted productivity hugely, while the development of coastal areas for shrimp farming has also provided further food and revenue.

■第7段落
7:1 As a result, the population has quadrupled since 1950.
7:2 Today, an average of 920 people crowd into each square kilometer of Bangladesh, making it one of the most [9](1. largely 2. densely 3. appropriately) populated countries in the world.
7:3 Therein lies the problem:
7:4 population pressure has helped to make droughts more severe and floods potentially more [10] (1. devastating 2. demanding 3. enriching) .
7:3 Also, with sanitation still inadequate, the rapid population growth of the past half century has exacerbated problems with waterborne disease.
7:4 Environmental scientist Atiq Rahman [11](1. prefers 2. likens 3. ascribes) Bangladesh to a giant toilet flushed just once a year.

■第9段落
9:1 If only things were that simple:
9:2 the tragedy that has subsequently unfolded reveals in stark terms how “solutions” to water resource problems can go astray if our knowledge of a region’s hydrology and geology is [14] (1. incomplete 2. sufficient 3. accumulated) .
9:3 It was Dipankar Chakraborty, an epidemiologist, who first raised the alarm.
9:4 In 1988, on a visit to his Bengali parents’ rural village, Chakraborty noticed that many local people were suffering from skin lesions and cancers that seemed to be [15] (1. independent of 2. causing 3. consistent with) arsenic poisoning.
9:5 When he tested samples of well water in his laboratory at Jabalpur University in Calcutta, it became clear why: 9:6 the villagers’ water supply was massively tainted with the metal.

■第11段落
11:1 The arsenic was washed from the sediments of the Himalayas, and is thought to have been accumulating beneath the Bengal Delta for at least 2 million years.
11:2 The puzzle is why it is now being drawn to the surface in some wells, but not in others.
11:3 One leading theory is that the arsenic is released from the sediments into groundwater under oxygen-free, reducing conditions.
11:4 And some researchers suspect that rotting vegetation in the uppermost 30 meters or so of sediment creates just such an environment.
11:5 That would help to explain why the problem seems worse in shallower wells, and adds to hopes that it may be possible to [17] (1. modify 2. identify. overcome) and selectively shut down those that are hazardous.

■第13段落
13:1 What’s more, drinking water may not be the only hazard:
13:2 rice crops irrigated with arsenic contaminated groundwater have now been shown to accumulate the toxic element.
13:3 Although its [19] (1. too easy 2. too late 3. too early) to tell whether this poses a serious threat, the finding has sown seeds of doubt about the use of groundwater for irrigation, which is the mainstay of Bangladesh’s agriculture.

■第14段落
14:1 Research and new technology will be central to [20](1. undermining 2. tackling 3. indicating)the arsenic problem.
14:2 Surveying and screening wells is a top priority, yet arsenic testing kits for use in the field are still unreliable.
14:3 More work is also needed to confirm the conditions under which arsenic is mobilized from the sediments, and at what depths this occurs.

総合政策学部 2009 問2
■第6段落
6:1 In worlds where people share ideas, roles, resources, purposes, and fates because of places, shared paths weave into the larger was” of town and neighborhood, city, and state.
6:2 Place blends religious, ethnic, national, political, and other values to [39] (1. forbid 2. forsake 3.forge) “thick we’s.” 6:3 In a world of purposes, the inescapable shared fates necessary to “thick we’s” occur among friends and families, and in organizations.
6:4 Our cares and animosities arise in them.
6:5 We know that Germany and France were mortal enemies many times in the olden days.
6:6 But we do not [40] (1. allow 2. expect 3. implore) them to go to war ever again.
6:7 In a world of purposes, we do not hate people in the “thick we’s” of other organizations.

■第7段落
7:1 Large societies are unsustainable without organizations or midlevel formations.
7:2 If organizations disappear, societies [41] (1. Destabilize 2. Consolidate 3. Develop) until new ones emerge.
7:3 De Tocqueville, for example, considered towns and associations [42] (1. vital 2. detrimental 3. harmless) to 19th century American democracy.
7:4 The immense Soviet Union was also just that — a union of midlevel social formations called soviets.
7:5 However, midlevel social formations grounded in place have at amazed in the last 30 years.

7:6 Structures that once made sense local government, neighborhood, and community – destabilized.
7:7 This instability will [43] (1. insist 2. resist 3. persist) until we recognize that organizations, not collectivities of is,” are the thick was” in which we share fates with others.
7:8 Organizations are the midlevel social formations in a world of purposes.

■第9段落
9:1 Organizations compete in markets and networks.
9:2 Organizations must link their common good to the greater good of the planet.
9:3 For example, in organizations, employees and volunteers must [45] (1. be indifferent to 2. make little of 3. take responsibility for) blending value and values in the good things they provide to others.
9:4 To ignore or abuse that [46] (1.value 2. right 3. burden) is to fail to lead a good life in our new world of purposes.

■第10段落
10:1 This ethical imperative is inescapable.
10:2 We understand that the common good of our organizations must incorporate concerns ranging from work/family balance to customer satisfaction to investment returns.
10:3 The common good of organizations [47] (1. demands 2. demonstrates 3. denies) that we weave together hierarchical and democratic social and political values.
10:4 This is [48] (1. progressive 2. promising 3. premature) because strong, predictable shared values practiced in organizations are the values shared among friends and families in markets, networks, nations, and the world.

■第11段落
11:1 People who experience robust democracy in organizations are more likely to respect dissent, free speech, consent, participation, and responsibility.
11:2 They are less likely to violate the liberty and freedoms of others.
11:3 Neither value nor values can be [49] (1. promoted 2. ignored 3. achieved) in organizations.
11:4 Again, organizations must link their common good to the greater good of the planet.
11:5 In a world of purposes, this is what organizations do – this is what they are for.
11:6 Organizations are the solutions to [50] (1. restore 2. regulate 3. monopolize) “thick we’s,” where value and values as well as “I’s” and “we’s” can migrate.
11:7 Organizations decide the fate of the twin towers of democracy.

総合政策学部 2010 問2、
■ 第1段落
1:1 The idea of the museum as a public institution is primarily a creation of the Enlightenment.
1:2 The museum was construed to be fundamentally educational, a venue for the systematic organization and presentation of artistic, natural, and scientific phenomena.
1:3 [31] (1. Inherent in 2. Indifferent to 3. Insistent on) this is the idea of the museum as a public space, dedicated to the diffusion of knowledge.
1:4 The great museums of the Enlightenment―the British Museum or the Louvre, for instance―epitomize this effort to create a taxonomy of both the natural and artistic worlds in order to make them [32] (1. intelligible 2. irresistible 3. intangible) and accessible to a broad public.

■ 第2段落
2:1 The great museums of the United States founded in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, such as the Metropolitan Museum of Art, the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, or the Philadelphia Museum of Art, were founded on the Enlightenment model, but unlike the British Museum or the Louvre, they were privately owned and financed institutions.
2:2 They depended for support not only on the relatively few wealthy individuals who founded and subsequently supported them, but also on their ability to establish and nurture a relationship with the [33] (1. locations 2. tribes 3. communities) in which they exist.

■ 第3段落
3:1 In the United States alone there are currently some 3,500 art museums and according to the most recent statistics they are visited by over 68 million adults a year, an astonishing number that [34] (1. holds out 2. gives out . works out) to roughly one out of every three men and women in the population.
3:2 Supported by a booming economy, intense civic [35] ( 1. strife 2. pride 3. resentment) and the local and state governments’ growing awareness of the economic benefits of cultural tourism, museums across America have become the defining public institutions of their communities, often housed in spectacular new buildings or additions designed by internationally celebrated architects.

■ 第4段落
4:1 Given the success and popularity of art museums there is a certain irony that their credibility is now being questioned.
4:2 [36] (1. As long as 2. As far as 3. As) art museums dramatically increased their audiences, adopted marketing strategies from the business world, and began demonstrating that they could generate substantial economic returns for their communities, the public and the media started to take a much closer look at their operations.
4:3 And with this attention came an [37] ( 1. awareness 2. attack 3. anticipation) that art museums, like other institutions, are not perfect, that they occasionally engage in questionable practices, whether allowing a sponsor to effectively buy an exhibition, or giving control of exhibition content to a donor or collector, or programming exhibitions solely to generate income, or entering into arrangements that involve real or perceived conflicts of interest.

■ 第5段落
5:1 The most [38] (1. ambitious 2. notorious 3. prosperous) recent example of this occurred at the Brooklyn Museum of Art, when it presented Sensation, an exhibition of young British artists from Charles Saatchi’s collection, and found itself initially under attack by the mayor of New York [39] (1. by 2. in 3. for) displaying what he perceived to be blasphemous art, and then by the press for being less than forthright about a number of facts, including whether Saatchi was also a major financial donor to the exhibition.

■ 第7段落
7:1 What the Times and other papers criticized repeatedly was Brooklyn’s apparently intentional misleading of the public over the way in which the exhibition was financed.
7:2 Having promoted Sensation with a highly [40] (1. inflammatory 2. nostalgic 3. authoritative)advertising campaign that centered on the slogan, “Health Warning: the contents of this exhibition may cause shock and vomiting,” and deployed the marketing tactics of a major movie studio, the museum discovered that it was now the subject of the very attention it had generated.
7:3 The media, not to mention the public, did not like what it [41] (1. saw 2. promoted 3. constructed) .
7:4 The museum’s programs and practices were scrutinized and its [42] (1. ethics 2. attendants 3. securities) were questioned, and even its most ardent supporters wearied of defending the institution against the constant barrage of accusations that came from the press and the public at large.

■ 第9段落
9:1 Public trust is a term that implies both a set of responsibilities to preserve, protect, and enhance property held [44] (1. on top of 2. on behalf of 3. in addition to) the public and a code of conduct to ensure that this responsibility is discharged with the highest degree of skill and diligence.
9:2 As public institutions, museums are expected to act and behave in a way that is in keeping with the perceived [45] ( 1. thoughts 2. values 3. politics) they embody.

■ 第11段落
11:1 The key term here is moral authority, which brings us back to the issue of responsibility and where we began.
11:2 If art museums are to continue [47] (1. thriving 2. sliding 3. revolving) they must recognize that their moral authority derives from the trust the public invests in them because the public believes they are acting responsibly and for the common good.
11:3 Lessening of trust is ultimately a loss of a museum’s authority and credibility, and once lost, that trust is very difficult to [48] ( 1. sustain 2. regain 3. refrain) .
11:4 The question, however, is not whether art museums can find a way to embrace commercial culture but whether they can demonstrate that there is a clear and discernible difference between art and commerce that is worth preserving.
11:5 This is not an easy task in a world where art and commerce can, and often do, merge seamlessly into each other, where museums can become part of vast entertainment complexes, and where museums are compelled to act more and more like commercial enterprises.

■ 第12段落
12:1 Art museums, in short, will be able to survive as mission-driven educational institutions only if they can continue to [49] (1. provoke 2. convince 3. question) the public that they discharge their responsibilities with integrity and diligence; that there is a discernible difference between the discomforting challenge of genuinely new art and ideas, whether created a thousand years ago or just last week, and the immediate pleasure of shopping at a designer store or going to a theme park; and that they [50] (1. manage 2. manipulate 3. merit) the public’s trust in them, and that because of this it is worth according them a special status in order to fulfill their public mission.

総合政策学部 2011 問1、
■ 第1段落
1:1 The issues related to global governance have assumed an increasing importance in our world as human populations attempt to deal with a variety of issues, from world trade to human security.
1:2 The current growing usage of such terms as “global economy,” “global society” and “global warming” is a sign of the increasing engagement of expert opinion-makers with these issues.

1:3 Ordinary opinion-makers have also engaged with these issues, as demonstrated by such sites as the Global Governance Page on Facebook.
1:4 Recently, these large issues have come into [1] (1. action 2. shape 3. focus) in a relatively small section of our globe, the Canary Islands.

■ 第2段落
2:1 The Canary Islands are an archipelago located in the Atlantic off the west coast of Africa.
2:2 Formerly one of Spain’s oldest colonies, they became a Spanish Autonomous Community in 1978.
2:3 When Spain joined the European Union, or the EU (at that time known as the European Communities), in 1986, they [2] ( 1. subordinated 2. qualified 3. modified) as an Outermost Region of the Union.
2:4 The Outermost Regions are nine regions of EU member states which, though not geographically part of Europe, are considered part of the EU.
2:5 The EU is generally considered a prime example of supranational* governance.
2:6 A growing scandal covering issues of financial regulation, environmental protection and regulatory jurisdiction has come to [3] (1. light 2. pass 3. an end) in these islands.

■ 第3段落
3:1 According to an article in the British newspaper, the Financial Times, the focus of the scandal is eight luxury hotels on Lanzarote, the easternmost of the Canary Islands.
3:2 Because of its remote geography and its overdependence on tourism, Lanzarote was [4] (1. provided 2. accounted 3. eligible), under the EU treaty, for a variety of European and national subsidies.
3:3 Fuelled by the expanding economy of the 1990s, tourism, which had been the mainstay of the islands economy for the past 40 years, [5] (1. boomed 2. bubbled 3. banged) .
3:4 Hotels were built, and the islands airfield was expanded in 1999 to handle the [6] (1. intrusion 2. influence 3. inflow) of tourist flights from EU countries.
3:5 In 2008, more than five million passengers travelled to Lanzarote.
3:6 Commenting on this development, the Financial Times article states, “The rapid growth of the tourism industry has crowded out agriculture and fishing from the local economy and [7] (1. undermined 2. strengthened 3. demonstrated) the sustainability of an island.”

■ 第5段落
5:1 The Canary Islands High Court has annulled 22 building licenses for various projects on Lanzarote.
5:2 It is this relationship between development and environmental issues that has added aspects of political corruption to the financial [9] (1. assistance 2. award 3. fraud) case.
5:3 The Financial Times reported that more than 30 public officials and businessmen have been arrested on allegations of corruption regarding illegal building and operating [10] (1.. systems 2. principles 3. permits) .
5:4 These charges transcend local political issues and involve major international organizations on the questions of policy and responsibility.

■ 第6段落
6:1 In preparing the background research for the article, the Financial Times collaborated with the London-based NPO, the Bureau of Investigative Journalism (BIJ).
6:2 On its web site, the BIJ states that its goal is “to bolster original journalism by producing high- quality investigations, and to explore new ways of conducting and funding investigative journalism.”

6:3 By working in collaboration with other news groups, it aims to [11] ( 1. call 2. address 3. support) the difficulty that national and international media often face in [12] (1. funding 2. avoiding 3. finding)expensive long-term investigations.
6:4 The joint investigation by the Financial Times and the BIJ alleges that eight large hotels used a special environmental status to promote their business and to help [13] (1. clarify 2. qualify . exemplify) for the 23.6 million euros in loans to help generate employment in the area.
6:5 According to their research, before the development boom Lanzarote received a “Reservation of the Biosphere” status (hereafter called Biosphere status) in 1993 under the UNESCO “Man and the Biosphere” (MAB) Program.
6:6 This status helped the island win special funding for sustainable development.

■ 第7段落
7:1 The MAB Program is designed to innovate and demonstrate approaches to conservation and sustainable development for [14] (1. deregulated 2. designed 3. designated) Biosphere Reserve sites.
7:2 These Biosphere Reserves remain under national sovereign jurisdiction, but share their experience and ideas nationally, regionally and internationally within the World Network of Biosphere Reserves.
7:3 Although there are 564 sites worldwide, Lanzarote is the only entire island to receive Biosphere status.

■ 第8段落
8:1 A UNESCO spokesperson was quoted in the Financial Times article as saying, “Lanzarote had a very good application. Mass tourism was not something they were developing. They [15] (1. prompted 2. promoted 3. proclaimed) sustainable tourism that was more respectful to the environment.”
8:2 In fact, the 1995 World Conference on Sustainable Tourism was held in Lanzarote.
8:3 In light of the [16] (1. speculations 2. allegations 3. expectations) reported by the BIJ and the Financial Times, the conference theme, “Towards a New Tourist Culture,” sounds particularly ironic.

■ 第9段落
9:1 As UNESCO reviews Lanzarote’s Biosphere status, EU officials have begun to consider the implications of member states’ money being involved in political corruption.
9:2 The European Anti-Fraud Office has been charged with ensuring the [17] (1. recovery 2. expenditure 3. loss) of any EU subsidies used to finance illegal construction.

総合政策学部 2011 問2、
■ 第7段落
7:1 That something is actually three things.
7:2 First, women’s pay is extremely sensitive to whether or not they have children.
7:3 In Britain, for example, where this issue has been studied intensively, the average pay earned by a woman begins to fall shortly before the birth of her first child and continues to drop until the child becomes a teenager.
7:4 Although earnings begin to [39] (1. revive 2. accumulate 3. level off) once the first child passes the age of twenty or so, they never fully recover.
7:5 The earnings drop associated with motherhood is close to one-third, and only one-third of that drop is regained after [40] (1.. the bottle 2. the container 3. the nest) is empty.
7:6 American data suggest that the same pattern is present on [41] (1. the coverage 2. this side 3. the region) of the Atlantic.

■ 第7段落
7:1 That something is actually three things.
7:2 First, women’s pay is extremely sensitive to whether or not they have children.
7:3 In Britain, for example, where this issue has been studied intensively, the average pay earned by a woman begins to fall shortly before the birth of her first child and continues to drop until the child becomes a teenager.
7:4 Although earnings begin to [39] (1. revive 2. accumulate 3. level off) once the first child passes the age of twenty or so, they never fully recover.
7:5 The earnings drop associated with motherhood is close to one-third, and only one-third of that drop is regained after [40] (1.. the bottle 2. the container 3. the nest) is empty.
7:6 American data suggest that the same pattern is present on [41] (1. the coverage 2. this side 3. the region) of the Atlantic.

■ 第3段落
3:1 Let me say a word about what I mean by power diffusion.
3:2 That is best understood in terms of the way technologies, and particularly information technologies, are [4](1. increasing 2. sustaining 3. affecting) the costs of participating in international affairs.
3:3 The price of computing power declined a thousand-fold from 1970 to 2000.
3:4 That is an extraordinary number, so big that it is hard to know what it means.
3:5 The best way to think of this would be that if the price of an automobile had declined as rapidly as the price of computing power, you should be able to buy an automobile today, for, lets say, 10,000 yen.
3:6 It is [5](1. just 2. hardly 3. nonetheless) an extraordinary change.
3:7 When the price of something declines that much, it removes the barriers to entry.
3:8 Now others can do what previously was [6](1. prepared 2. reserved 3. preserved) for governments or big corporations.
3:9 If you wanted to communicate instantaneously from Tokyo to New York to London to Johannesburg in 1970, you could do that.
3:10Technologically you could do it, but it was very, very expensive.
3:11 [7](1. Still 2. Now 3. However), anybody can do it and it is virtually free.
3:12 If you have Skype, it is free.

■ 第3段落
3:1 Let me say a word about what I mean by power diffusion.
3:2 That is best understood in terms of the way technologies, and particularly information technologies, are [4](1. increasing 2. sustaining 3. affecting) the costs of participating in international affairs.
3:3 The price of computing power declined a thousand-fold from 1970 to 2000.
3:4 That is an extraordinary number, so big that it is hard to know what it means.
3:5 The best way to think of this would be that if the price of an automobile had declined as rapidly as the price of computing power, you should be able to buy an automobile today, for, lets say, 10,000 yen.
3:6 It is [5](1. just 2. hardly 3. nonetheless) an extraordinary change.
3:7 When the price of something declines that much, it removes the barriers to entry.
3:8 Now others can do what previously was [6](1. prepared 2. reserved 3. preserved) for governments or big corporations.
3:9 If you wanted to communicate instantaneously from Tokyo to New York to London to Johannesburg in 1970, you could do that.
3:10Technologically you could do it, but it was very, very expensive.
3:11 [7](1. Still 2. Now 3. However), anybody can do it and it is virtually free.
3:12 If you have Skype, it is free.

■ 第4段落
4:1 So that means that things that were previously restricted to very large organizations like governments or corporations are now [8](1. meaningful 2. useless . available) to anyone.
4:2 And this has a significant impact on world politics.
4:3 It does not mean that governments are being replaced or that the nation-state is obsolete.
4:4 What it [9](1. does 2. does not 3. could not) mean is that the stage on which governments act is now crowded with many more, smaller actors.
4:5 Some of those smaller actors are good―lets take Oxfam International, an NPO which serves to relieve poverty―and some of them are bad―lets take Al Qaeda, which is obviously trying to kill people.
4:6 But the main point is that it is a new type of international politics and we have [10](1. already 2. often 3. not yet) come to terms with how to think about this.
4:7 So, for example, we need to realize that in an age in which information technology is so powerful and important, it may often be the case that it is not only whose army wins, but whose story wins.
4:8 The ability to tell an effective story is [11](1. persuasive 2. crucial 3. risky).

■ 第4段落
4:1 So that means that things that were previously restricted to very large organizations like governments or corporations are now [8](1. meaningful 2. useless . available) to anyone.
4:2 And this has a significant impact on world politics.
4:3 It does not mean that governments are being replaced or that the nation-state is obsolete.
4:4 What it [9](1. does 2. does not 3. could not) mean is that the stage on which governments act is now crowded with many more, smaller actors.
4:5 Some of those smaller actors are good―lets take Oxfam International, an NPO which serves to relieve poverty―and some of them are bad―lets take Al Qaeda, which is obviously trying to kill people.
4:6 But the main point is that it is a new type of international politics and we have [10](1. already 2. often 3. not yet) come to terms with how to think about this.
4:7 So, for example, we need to realize that in an age in which information technology is so powerful and important, it may often be the case that it is not only whose army wins, but whose story wins.
4:8 The ability to tell an effective story is [11](1. persuasive 2. crucial 3. risky) .

■ 第6段落
6:1 It is very important to have accurate perceptions about the transition of power.
6:2 And the reason is that when people are too worried about power, they may overreact or follow strategies that are [16](1. relevant 2. meaningful 3. dangerous) .
6:3 When you look back in history, there is the famous case of the Peloponnesian War, in which the Greek city-state system tore itself apart.
6:4 Thucydides, the ancient Greek historian, said the reason for this war was the rise in the power of Athens and the fear it created in Sparta.
6:5 [17](1. Contrarily 2. Similarly 3. Paradoxically), if you look at World War I, which destroyed the centrality of the European state system in the world, it is often said it was caused by the rise in power of Germany and the fear that it created in Britain.

■ 第6段落
6:1 It is very important to have accurate perceptions about the transition of power.
6:2 And the reason is that when people are too worried about power, they may overreact or follow strategies that are [16](1. relevant 2. meaningful 3. dangerous).
6:3 When you look back in history, there is the famous case of the Peloponnesian War, in which the Greek city-state system tore itself apart.
6:4 Thucydides, the ancient Greek historian, said the reason for this war was the rise in the power of Athens and the fear it created in Sparta.
6:5 [17](1. Contrarily 2. Similarly 3. Paradoxically) , if you look at World War I, which destroyed the centrality of the European state system in the world, it is often said it was caused by the rise in power of Germany and the fear that it created in Britain.

■ 第8段落
8:1 The American president Franklin Roosevelt at the time of the Great Depression said, “We have nothing to fear but fear itself.”
8:2 Perhaps as we turn to the 21st century, we should say one of the most worrisome things is fear itself.
8:3 If we can keep a balanced [19](1. assembly 2. assortment 3. assessment) of the overall distribution of power, and figure out ways to deal with these common challenges that we face―we, meaning the United States, Japan, China, Europe and others we can indeed have a [20](1. win-win 2. win-lose 3. lose-lose) situation.

■ 第9段落
9:1 The second factor at work in explaining male-female wage differences is occupational selection.
9:2 Compared to women, men tend to be concentrated in paid employment that is dangerous or unpleasant.
9:3 Commercial fishing, construction, law enforcement, firefighting, truck driving, and mining, to name but a few, are occupations that are much more dangerous than average and are dominated by men.
9:4 As a result, men represent 92 percent of all occupational deaths.
9:5 Hazardous jobs offer what is known as a compensating differential, extra pay for [46] (1. avoiding 2. assuming 3. allowing) the differential risk of death or injury on the job.
9:6 In equilibrium, these extra wages do no more than offset the extra hazards.
9:7 So even though measured earnings look high relative to the educational and other requirements of the jobs, appearances are deceiving.
9:8 After [47] (1. adjusting for 2. minimizing 3. dealing with) risk, the value of that pay is really no greater than for less hazardous employment―but the appearance of higher pay contributes to the measured gender gap.

■ 第9段落
9:1 The second factor at work in explaining male-female wage differences is occupational selection.
9:2 Compared to women, men tend to be concentrated in paid employment that is dangerous or unpleasant.
9:3 Commercial fishing, construction, law enforcement, firefighting, truck driving, and mining, to name but a few, are occupations that are much more dangerous than average and are dominated by men.
9:4 As a result, men represent 92 percent of all occupational deaths.
9:5 Hazardous jobs offer what is known as a compensating differential, extra pay for [46] (1. avoiding 2. assuming 3. allowing) the differential risk of death or injury on the job.
9:6 In equilibrium, these extra wages do no more than offset the extra hazards.
9:7 So even though measured earnings look high relative to the educational and other requirements of the jobs, appearances are deceiving.
9:8 After [47] (1. adjusting for 2. minimizing 3. dealing with) risk, the value of that pay is really no greater than for less hazardous employment―but the appearance of higher pay contributes to the measured gender gap.

総合政策学部 2012 問2、
■ 第1段落
1:1 If a campaign volunteer shows up at your door, urging you to vote in an upcoming election, you are 10 percent more likely to go to the poll―sand others in your household are 6 percent more likely to vote.
1:2 When you try to recall an unfamiliar word, the [31](1.fact 2. assumption 3. likelihood) you’ll remember it depends partly on its position in a network of words that sound similar.
1:3 And when a cell in your body develops a cancerous mutation*, its daughter cells** will carry that mutation; whether you get cancer depends largely on that cell’s position in the network of cellular reproduction.

■ 第3段落
3:1 It [33](1. often is 2. used to be 3. never could be) that sociologists studied networks of people, while physicists and computer scientists studied different kinds of networks in their own fields.
3:2 But [34](1. as 2. though 3. unless) social scientists sought to understand larger, more sophisticated networks, they looked to physics for methods suited to this [35](1. flexibility 2. complexity 3. equality) .
3:3 And it is a two-way street: network science “is one of the rare areas where you see physicists and molecular biologists respectfully citing the work of social scientists and borrowing their ideas,” says Nicholas Christakis, a physician and medical sociologist at Harvard and coauthor of Connected: The Surprising Power of Our Social Networks and How They Shape Our Lives.

■ 第8段落
8:1 But the core of the Christakis-Fowler collaboration is original research on what spreads through human social networks.
8:2 [43](1. By 2. Of 3. With) data from the Framingham Heart Study, which has been going on since 1948, they mapped more than 50,000 social ties among 5,124 people (who were connected to an external network of more than 12,000 people).
8:3 Because the study tracked all manner of health markers and asked subjects about an exhaustive list of behaviors―diet and exercise, medications, smoking, emotions―it was [44](1. a rich 2. a prosperous 3. an affluent) source of data.

■ 第9段落
9:1 The two men started publishing their findings with a splash: a 2007 article in the New England Journal of Medicine reporting that obesity spreads through social networks, as people are apparently influenced by friends’ weight gain to become fat themselves.
9:2 More [45](1. irrelevant 2. perplexing 3. obvious) is their finding that obesity spreads through up to three degrees of separation.
9:3 If a subject named a friend who was also in the study, and that friend’s friend became obese, the first subjects chances of becoming obese were roughly 20 percent greater.
9:4 Across one more degree of influence (for instance, husband’s friend’s friend―i.e, three degrees away), the risk was 10 percent greater.
9:5 Weight gain appears to move through friend groups [46](1. versus 2. via 3. without) some unseen mechanism such as changed eating or exercise behavior, or adjustment of social norms regarding weight.

■ 第12段落
12:1 Precise knowledge is needed for the type of network-based public-health interventions they envision.
12:2 In addition to knowing what works―in the case of obesity, perhaps distributing healthy recipes, or posting on Facebook or Twitter that you “feel so great after going for a run” to encourage friends to exercise―such interventions require knowing who is most influential, and this may vary from purpose to purpose.
12:3 Christakis and Fowler write that a network-based vaccination campaign, [48](1. consulting 2. excluding 3. targeting) people with the most social contacts, could be three times more cost- effective than a campaign that aims for universal vaccination.
12:4 Campaigns of the latter type over-vaccinate; immunizing only people who are hubs in social networks would enable administering a minimum of doses for maximum effect.
12:5 For instance, recommendations that healthcare workers receive more vaccinations than average citizens follow a similar model, assuming that such workers will have more [49](1. sympathy for 2. contact with 3. knowledge about) sick people and thus are more likely to spread infections.
12:6 A network-based disease prevention campaign, prioritizing well-connected people when monitoring infection’s spread, could be 700 times more efficient than random monitoring.

総合政策学部 2013 問1、
■ 第1段落
1:1 Three men serving time in Israeli prisons recently appeared before a Jewish Israeli parole judge.
1:2 The three prisoners had completed at least two-thirds of their sentences, but the parole board granted freedom to only one of them.
1:3 Guess which one:
1:4 Case 1 (heard at 8:50 a.m.): An Arab Israeli serving a 30month sentence for fraud.
1:5 Case 2 (heard at 3:10 p.m.): A Jewish Israeli serving a 16month sentence for assault.
1:6 Case 3 (heard at 4:25 p.m.): An Arab Israeli serving a 30month sentence for fraud.
1:7 There was a pattern to the judge’s decisions, but it wasn’t related to the men’s [1] ( 1. educational 2. ethnic 3. employment) backgrounds, crimes or sentences.
1:8 It was all about timing, as researchers discovered by analyzing more than 1,100 parole decisions.
1:9 Judges approved parole in about a third of the cases, but the probability of being paroled fluctuated [2] (1. minimally 2. wildly. randomly) throughout the day.
1:10 Prisoners who appeared early in the morning received parole about 70 percent of the time, while those who appeared late in the day were paroled less than 10 percent of the time.
1:11 As a result, it was only the man at 8:50 a.m. who was set free that day, even though the
man at 4:25 p.m. had committed the same crime with the Same Sentence.

■ 第5段落
5:1 At first they weren’t concerned with routine decision-making, but then a postdoctoral fellow, Jean Twinge, started working at Baumeister’s laboratory right after planning her wedding.
5:2 As Twinge studied the results of the lab’s ego depletion experiments, she remembered how [5] (p091. exhausted 2. invigorated. selfish) she felt the evening she and
her fiancé registered for wedding gifts.
5:3 Did they want plain white plates or something with a pattern?
5:4 Which brand of knives?
5:5 How many towels?

5:6 What kind of sheets?
5:6 How many threads per square inch?

■ 第6段落
6:1 By the end, you could have [6](1. changed 2. talked. 3. invited) me into anything,” Twinge told her new colleagues.
6:2 The symptoms sounded familiar to them too, and gave them an idea.
6:3 They purchased a range of simple products and presented them to their experimental subjects.

6:4 The subjects were told that, in return for doing the experiment, they would [7] (1. have 2. expect. 3. get) to keep one item at the end of the experiment, but first they had to make a series of choices.
6:5 Would they prefer a pen or a candle?
6:6 A vanilla scented candle or an almond scented one?
6:7 A candle or a T-shirt?
6:8 A black T-shirt or a red T-shirt?
6:9 [8](1. Meanwhile 2. Furthermore 3. All the same), a control group of “nondeciders” spent an equally long period contemplating all these same products without having to make any choices.

6:10 Afterward, all the participants were given a common test of self-control: holding your hand in ice water for as long as you can.
6:11 The impulse is to pull your hand out, so self-discipline is needed to keep the hand underwater.
6:12 The deciders gave up much faster; they lasted 28 seconds, less than half the 67-second average of the nondeciders.
6:13 Making all those choices had apparently [9] (1. bolstered 2. restored 3. sapped) their willpower.
6:14 They had decision fatigue.

■ 第7段落
7:1 It turns out that once you’re mentally depleted, you become reluctant to make trade-offs.
7:2 If you’re shopping, you’re liable to look at only one dimension, like price: “just give me the cheapest.”
7:3 Or you indulge yourself by looking at quality: “I want the very best.”
7:4 Decision fatigue leaves you [10] (1. indifferent 2. vulnerable. resistant) to marketers who know how to time their sales.

■ 第8段落
8:1 Shopping can be especially tiring for the poor, who have to struggle continually with trade-offs.
8:2 Most of us in developed countries won’t spend a lot of time agonizing over whether we can afford to buy soap, but it can be a depleting choice in rural India.
8:3 An economist offered people in 20 villages in northwestern India the chance to buy a couple of bars of brand-name soap for the equivalent of less than 20 US cents.
8:4 It was a [11] (1. scant 2. shallow 3. steep) discount off the regular price, yet even that sum was a strain for the people in the 10 poorest villages.
8:5 Whether or not they bought the soap, the act of making the decision left them with less willpower, as measured afterward in a test of how long they could squeeze a hand grip.
8:6 In the slightly more [12] (1. sanitary 2. affluent 3. determined) villages, peoples willpower wasn’t affected significantly.
8:7 Because they had more money, they didn’t have to spend as much effort weighing the merits of the soap versus, say, food or medicine.

■ 第11段落
11:1 The brain, like the rest of the body, derives energy from glucose, the simple sugar manufactured from all kinds of foods.
11:2 To establish whether this could cause an improvement in self-control, researchers at Baumeister’s lab tried refueling the brain in a series of experiments involving lemonade mixed either with sugar or with a diet sweetener.
11:3 The sugary lemonade provided a burst of glucose; the sugarless variety tasted quite similar without providing the same burst of glucose.
11:4 Again and again, the sugar restored willpower, but the artificial sweetener had no effect.
11:5 The glucose would at least [17] (1. mitigate 2. instigate. 3. eradicate) the decision fatigue and sometimes completely reverse it.
11:6 The restored willpower improved people’s self-control as well as the quality of their decisions; they resisted irrational bias when making choices, and when asked to make financial decisions, they were more likely to choose the better long-term strategy instead of going for a quick payoff.

■ 第12段落
12:1 The benefits of glucose were [18] (1. unmistakable 2. inconsequential. unobservable) in the study of the Israeli parole board mentioned at the beginning of this article.
12:2 In midmorning, the parole board would take a break, and the judges would be served a sandwich and a piece of fruit.
12:3 The prisoners who appeared just before the break had only about a 20 percent chance of getting parole, but the ones appearing right after had around a 65 percent chance.
12:4 The odds dropped again as the morning wore on, and prisoners really didn’t want to appear just before lunch: the chance of getting parole at that time was only 10 percent.
12:5 After lunch it soared up to 60 percent, but only [19] (1. somewhat 2. briefly. nominally) .
12:6 Remember that Jewish Israeli prisoner who appeared at 3:10 p.m. and was denied parole from his sentence for assault?
12:7 He had the misfortune of being the sixth case heard after lunch.
12:8 But another Jewish Israeli prisoner serving the same sentence for the same crime was lucky enough to appear at 1:27 p.m., the first case after lunch, and he was rewarded with parole.
12:9 It must have seemed to him like a fine example of the justice system at work, but [20](1. in addition 2. in actuality 3 . In sum), it probably had more to do with the judge’s glucose levels than the details of his case.

総合政策学部 2013 問2、
■ 第3段落
3:1 For most political ecologists, this approach is somewhat too sharp a double-edged sword.
3:2 While it [34](1. defies 2 undergoes 3. allows) a critical examination of how politically empowered environmental science has influenced and created the environments of the world around us, which is an important political ecological project, this approach does not allow us to make [35](1. adaptations 2 contributions 3. references) to non-human actors and processes (like soil, trees, and climate) In explaining outcomes.
3:3 This makes hard constructivism unattractive to many researchers.
3:4 while producing a valuable open space for accepting and appreciating alternative constructions of the environment held by other social communities, like forest dwellers, nomadic herders, and religious philosophers, this approach makes the symbolic systems of humans [36](1. sovereign 2. go 3. carry) over all other reality, apparently disabling empirical Investigation In traditional environmental science.

■ 第5段落
5:1 In the first case, false and socially biased categories of the world like “race,” are important to understand and explore even while their reality―consistent, racially-differentiated genetic differences―does not objectively exist.
5:2 Since people hold them [39](1. importantly 2. experimentally 3. experientially) , these concepts or social constructions make a difference In the world, often with harmful effects and therefore need to be understood.
5:3 This “social object” approach to nature is attractive for political ecologists, who are able to assume that ecological science can reveal real environmental trends, like soil erosion, while social investigation can show how ignorant people can create false pictures of the world through power- laden social processes.
5:4 This approach is satisfactory for most researchers since they consider themselves scientists.
5:5 They can insist that their way of seeing the problem, using the tools of science, helps to unmask biased and incorrect views of nature.

■ 第7段落
7:1 The history of ecology is revealing in this respect.
7:2 The dominant theories of the operation of natural systems have consistently reflected the prevailing social languages and assumptions of their times.
7:3 [41] (1. Underachieving 2. Culminating 3. Emerging) during the high Industrial age, the science of ecology came to depend heavily on metaphors and concepts from mechanical engineering, with orderly, cyclical processes structured around balance and symmetry.
7:4 It also [42](1. laid 2 drew 3. carried) heavily, and somewhat contradictorily, upon philosophical Romanticism and the obsession with holism and interdependence, as is found in Romantic writers like Henry David Thoreau.
7:5 These metaphors, on which science depends, became unsatisfactory in recent years, either because they reflected reality poorly, or didn’t fit changing social and cultural codes and now are In a state of [43](1. satisfaction 2. agreement 3. upheaval).

総合政策学部 2014 問1、
■ 第2段落
2:1 For something we refer to so often, however, common sense is surprisingly hard to pin down.

2:2 Roughly speaking, it is the loosely organized set of facts, observations, experiences, and pieces of wisdom that each of us accumulates over a lifetime in the course of dealing with everyday situations.
2:3 Beyond that, it tends to [1](1. assist 2. resist 3. facilitate) easy classification.

■ 第6段落
6:1 In hundreds of these experiments conducted in industrialized societies, researchers had already demonstrated that most players propose a fifty-fifty split, and offers of less than $30 are typically rejected.
6:2 Economists find this behavior surprising because it [7]([1. agrees 2. conflicts 3. coincides) with their standard notion of economic rationality.
6:3 Even a single dollar, the reasoning goes, is better than nothing at all, so from a strictly rational perspective, recipients ought to accept any offer above zero.
6:4 And knowing this, rational “proposers” ought to offer the [8](1. least 2. most 3. less) they can get away with―namely, one dollar.
6:5 Of course, a moment’s thought suggests why people play the way they do―namely that it doesn’t seem fair to [9](1. damage 2. jeopardize 3. exploit) a situation just because you can.
6:6 Recipients being offered less than a third, therefore, feel taken advantage of and so opt to walk away from even a substantial sum of money in order to teach miserly proposers a [10](1. reason 2. lesson 3. fact).
6:7 And anticipating this response, proposers tend to offer what they assume the recipient will consider a fair split.

 

6:1 In hundreds of these experiments conducted in industrialized societies, researchers had already demonstrated that most players propose a fifty-fifty split, and offers of less than $30 are typically rejected.
6:2 Economists find this behavior surprising because it [7]([1. agrees 2. conflicts 3. coincides) with their standard notion of economic rationality.
6:3 Even a single dollar, the reasoning goes, is better than nothing at all, so from a strictly rational perspective, recipients ought to accept any offer above zero.
6:4 And knowing this, rational “proposers” ought to offer the [8](1. least 2. most 3. less) they can get away with―namely, one dollar.
6:5 Of course, a moment’s thought suggests why people play the way they do―namely that it doesn’t seem fair to [9](1. damage 2. jeopardize 3. exploit) a situation just because you can.
6:6 Recipients being offered less than a third, therefore, feel taken advantage of and so opt to walk away from even a substantial sum of money in order to teach miserly proposers a [10](1. reason 2. lesson 3. fact) .
6:7 And anticipating this response, proposers tend to offer what they assume the recipient will consider a fair split.

■ 第7段落
7:1 If your reaction to this insight is that economists need to get out a little more, then you’re not alone.
7:2 If anything seems like common sense, it’s that people care about fairness as well as money.
7:3 But when the experimenters replicated the game in fifteen preindustrial societies across five continents, they found that people in different societies have very different ideas about what [11](1. reveals 2. counts 3. exhibits) as fair.
7:4 At one extreme, the Machiguenga tribe of Peru tended to offer only about a quarter of the total amount, and virtually no offers were refused.
7:5 At the other extreme, the Gnau tribe of Papua New Guinea tended to make offers that were even better than fifty fifty, but [12](1. logically 2. Obviously 3 . surprisingly) these “ hyper fair” offers tended to get rejected just as frequently as unfair offers.

■ 第8段落
8:1 What explains these differences?
8:2 As it turns out, the Gnau tribe had customs of gift exchange, according to which receiving a gift [13](1. obligates 2. expects 3. persuades) the receiver to reciprocate at some point in the future.
8:3 Because there was no equivalent of the ultimatum game in the Gnau society, they simply “mapped” the unfamiliar interaction onto the most similar social exchange they could think of―which happened to be gift exchange―and responded [14](1. casually 2. belatedly 3 accordingly) .
8:4 Thus what might have seemed like free money to a Western participant looked to a Gnau participant very much like an [15](1. unearned 2. unwanted 3. unpredicted) obligation.
8:5 The Machiguenga, by contrast, live in a society in which the only relationship bonds that carry any expectation of loyalty are with immediate family members.
8:6 When playing the ultimatum game with a stranger, therefore, Machiguenga participants―again mapping the unfamiliar onto the familiar―saw little obligation to make fair offers, and experienced very little of the [16](1. resentment 2. contentment 3. euphemism) that would well up in a Western player upon being presented with a split that was patently unequal.
8:7 To them, even low offers were seen as a good deal.

■ 第8段落
8:1 What explains these differences?
8:2 As it turns out, the Gnau tribe had customs of gift exchange, according to which receiving a gift [13](1. obligates 2. expects 3. persuades) the receiver to reciprocate at some point in the future.
8:3 Because there was no equivalent of the ultimatum game in the Gnau society, they simply “mapped” the unfamiliar interaction onto the most similar social exchange they could think of―which happened to be gift exchange―and responded [14](1. casually 2. belatedly 3 accordingly).
8:4 Thus what might have seemed like free money to a Western participant looked to a Gnau participant very much like an [15](1. unearned 2. unwanted 3. unpredicted) obligation.
8:5 The Machiguenga, by contrast, live in a society in which the only relationship bonds that carry any expectation of loyalty are with immediate family members.
8:6 When playing the ultimatum game with a stranger, therefore, Machiguenga participants―again mapping the unfamiliar onto the familiar―saw little obligation to make fair offers, and experienced very little of the [16](1. resentment 2. contentment 3. euphemism) that would well up in a Western player upon being presented with a split that was patently unequal.
8:7 To them, even low offers were seen as a good deal.

■ 第8段落
8:1 What explains these differences?
8:2 As it turns out, the Gnau tribe had customs of gift exchange, according to which receiving a gift [13](1. obligates 2. expects 3. persuades) the receiver to reciprocate at some point in the future.
8:3 Because there was no equivalent of the ultimatum game in the Gnau society, they simply “mapped” the unfamiliar interaction onto the most similar social exchange they could think of―which happened to be gift exchange―and responded [14](1. casually 2. belatedly 3 accordingly).
8:4 Thus what might have seemed like free money to a Western participant looked to a Gnau participant very much like an [15](1. unearned 2. unwanted 3. unpredicted) obligation.
8:5 The Machiguenga, by contrast, live in a society in which the only relationship bonds that carry any expectation of loyalty are with immediate family members.
8:6 When playing the ultimatum game with a stranger, therefore, Machiguenga participants―again mapping the unfamiliar onto the familiar―saw little obligation to make fair offers, and experienced very little of the [16](1. resentment 2. contentment 3. euphemism) that would well up in a Western player upon being presented with a split that was patently unequal.
8:7 To them, even low offers were seen as a good deal.

■ 第11段落
11:1 One of the most important consequences of the socially [19](1. demanded 2. employed 3. embedded) nature of common sense is that disagreements over matters of common sense can be extremely difficult to resolve.
11:2 The American anthropologist Clifford Geertz noted in his study of witchcraft in Java that “when the whole family of a Javanese boy tells me that the reason he has fallen out of a tree and broken his leg is that the spirit of his deceased grandfather pushed him out because some ritual duty has been inadvertently overlooked, it is precisely what they think has occurred, it is all they think has occurred, and they are puzzled only at my puzzlement at their lack of puzzlement.”
11:3 Disagreements over matters of common sense, [20](1. however 2, in other words 3, by the way), are hard to resolve because its unclear to either side on what grounds one can even conduct a reasonable argument.

総合政策学部 2006 問1
■第3段落
3:1 The enormous assumption behind this finding, of course, is that happiness, like Olympic figure skating, can really be scored numerically at all and that the judges who score it don’t even need to come from the same countries or speak the same languages as the people there judging.
3:2 Robert BiswasDiener, a professor of psychology at Portland State University in Oregon and the[4] (1. soul 2. heart 3. mind) behind the Calcutta study, believes this.
3:3 BiswasDiener has worked extensively with his father, the noted University of Illinois psychologist Ed Diner, to evaluate the “Subjective Well-being” (SWB), as they call it, of people around the globe, from Masa warriors in East Africa to Inuit hunters in Northern Greenland, [5]( 1. inviting 2. permitting 3. indulging) them to answer various questions about their moods and outlook.
3:4 The results have led them to one sweeping conclusion:
3:5 human beings, no matter where they live, and almost without regard to how they live, are, in the elder Diner’s words, “preset to be happy.”

慶應義塾大学環境情報学部 問二 2005年度 英語長文問題解答 過去問 空所補充問題
■第2段落
2:1 Over the past five years the world has seen a 2.5% growth in urban population, but that [31](1. scatters 2. stands 3. varies) between the more developed regions (0.7%) and the less developed regions (3.3%).
2:2 In 1999, 47%, or 28 billion, of the world’s population lived in cities, and this is set to increase[32](1. by 2. to 3. with) around 70 million people each year.
2:3 The expectation is that by 2030 nearly 5 billion (61%) of the world’s 8.1 billion people will live in cities.
2:4 Of the urban population, for every one person now living in cities in developed countries, there are two in the cities of the developing world.
2:5 Within 30 years this proportion is predicted to rise to 1:4, indicating that 90% of the growth in urbanization will be in developing countries.

■第3段落
3:1 In these countries the expansion of urbanization is [33](1. controlling 2. growing 3. occurring) on an unimaginable scale.
3:2 Very large cities the megacities with populations of over 10 million people are becoming commonplace.
3:3 New York and Tokyo were the only megacities in 1960, but by 1999 there were 17.
3:4 In another 15 years projections suggest there will be at [34](1. largest 2. least 3. most) 26 such cities, 22 of which will be in developing countries, and 18 of these in Asia.
3:5 However, the most aggressive growth [35](1. Appears 2. Continues 3. Corresponds) to be in the cities of between 1 and 10 million.
3:6 In 1990, we had 270 million cities; by 2015, various predictions show that there may be between 358 and 516 of these cities.

■第4段落
4:1 It is questionable whether these statistics themselves necessarily represent a problem.
4:2 It is true that the [36](1 . better 2. more . very) size of the cities and the high proportion of the world’s population living within them will inevitably intensify problems, which will include the intensive use of resources such as land, water and energy, the overstretching of infrastructure, poor sanitation and health, and social and economic inequalities.
4:3 The more serious problem, however, is concerned with [37](1. affluent 2. broad 3. simple)lifestyles and wasteful use of land, both in developed and developing countries, which result [38](1. as 2. in 3. to) a disproportionate use of resources and urban forms that are often unsustainable.
4:4 For example, commercial enterprises outside cities such as the ubiquitous shopping mall are likely to cause most waste, pollution and harmful emissions.
4:5 Also the lifestyles of those living in low-density suburban areas on the periphery will be responsible [39](1. by 2. for 3. to) the consumption of more resources than those with similar incomes living in cities.

■第5段落
5:1 Cities may have problems, but they are not necessarily a problem in themselves.
5:2 According to some urban planners in England, it is the ‘failure of effective governance within cities that explains the poor environmental performance of so many cities rather than a [40] (1.active 2. exceptional 3. inherent) characteristic of cities in general.’
5:3 The manipulation of urban form, and the provision of better forms of governance, may go some way to overcome city problems.
5:4 [41](1. Because of 2. Despite. Instead of) many problems, the fastest growing cities in developing countries have benefits for those living there.
5:5 They can provide ‘enhanced opportunity for millions of people’ and ‘refuges from a stifling, restrictive rural life’ that may no longer be economically sustainable.
5:6 The sheer vitality and numbers of people and ideas tend to change attitudes and lifestyles, and lead to higher [42](1. aspirations 2. levels 3. means) to improve standards of living.
5:7 How, then, does this tendency relate to sustainable development and sustainable urban form?

■第7段落
7:1 In existing cities, the concept of compactness arises through processes that intensify development and bring in more people to revitalize them.
7:2 The ideas behind the compact city are an important strand in the attempt to find sustainable urban forms, with the belief that compactness will result in reductions in travel [45](1. demands 2. distances 3. opportunities) and thus vehicle emissions, and that the high densities can create greater viability for service provision, public transport, waste disposal, healthcare and education.

■第8段落
8:1 The vision of the compact city has been dominated by the model of the densely developed core of many historic European cities.
8:2 These are a great attraction not just to architects, planners and urban designers, [46](1. and 2. but 3. or) to countless tourists who flock to see them.
8:3 They are seen, often by those from outside, as ideal places to live and experience the vitality and variety of urban life.
8:4 The danger is that it is a romantic vision, one which assumes a golden age that can be recaptured through urban form, leading to a sustainable and benign civility.
8:5 Perhaps it is not [47](1. believable 2. interesting 3. Surprising) that the strongest advocate for the compact city has been the European Community.

■第6段落
6:1 Their massive teeth were growing smaller, for they were no longer [8](1. Absolute 2. Essential
3. Powerful.
6:2 The sharp-edged stones that could be used to dig out roots, or to cut and saw through tough flesh or fiber, had begun to replace them, with immeasurable consequences.
6:3 No longer were the manages faced with starvation when their teeth were damaged or [9](1. killed 2. repaired 3. worn) ;

6:4 even the crudest tools could add many years to their lives.
6:5 And as their fangs diminished, the shape of their face started to alter;
6:6 the snout receded, the massive jaw became more delicate, the mouth able to make more [10] (1.noisy 2. subtle. Sweet) sounds.
6:7 Speech was still a million years away, but the first steps toward it had been taken.

■第9段落
9:1 For in using clubs and flints, their hands had developed a [12](1. clumsiness 2. dexterity 3. sloppiness) found nowhere else in the animal kingdom, permitting them to make still better tools, which in turn had developed their limbs and brains yet further.
9:2 It was an accelerating, cumulative process; and [13] (1. at 2. in 3. of) its end was Man.

■第4段落
4:1 Now let’s look at the ways in which languages are supposed to be inadequate.
4:2 In some instances, it is features of the structure of a language which are picked on as the reason why another language is to be [7] (1. preferred 2. provoked 3. supported) for a particular function.
4:3 In Switzerland, some people speak Romansh, a language descended from Latin, although German has been making inroads for centuries.
4:4 [8] (1. As for 2. As with 3. As regards) Maori, there has been a [9] (1. play 2. push 3. pick) in recent decades to increase the areas of life and activity in which Romansh is used.
4:5 Now, German is a language which can very easily combine words into ‘compounds’.
4:6 Romansh is a language which cannot do this so readily and [10] (1. instead 2. furthermore. additionally) uses phrases as a way of combining ideas.
4:7 Some speakers of Romansh believe that Romansh is not good enough to be used in really technical areas of life because ‘German is able to construct clearly defined single words for technical ideas, Romansh is not’.
4:8 This notion ignores the fact that other languages such as French and Italian are in exactly the same boat as Romansh, yet obviously have no problem in being precise in technical areas.

■第5段落
5:1 Another reason given for the view that a language is not good enough is rather more serious;

5:2 it is the argument that ‘X is not good enough because you can’t discuss nuclear physics in it.’
5:3 The [11] (1. objection 2. inclination 3. implication) is that English is a better language than X because there are topics you can discuss in one but not in the other.
5:4 At first glance this seems a very [12] (1. saying 2. speaking 3. telling) argument.

■第6段落
6:1 However, this view confuses a feature of languages which is due just to their history with an [13] (1. insistent 2. inherent 3. initial) property of languages.
6:2 That is, this opinion concludes that because there has been no occasion or need to discuss, for arguments sake, nuclear physics in Maori; it could never be done because of some inherent fault in Maori.
6:3 A little thought, however, will show that this argument cannot be maintained.
6:4 Computers were not discussed in Old English;
6:5 Modern English is the same language as Old English, only later;
6:6 it should follow that Modern English cannot be used to discuss computers.
6:7 This is clearly [14] (1. assertive 2. absurd 3.appropriate) .
6:8 What of course has happened is that through time English has developed the resources necessary to the discussion of computers and very many other topics which were simply unknown in earlier times.
6:9 And ‘developed’ is the crucial word in this matter.
6:10 English expanded its vocabulary in a variety of ways so as to meet the new [15] (1.demands
2. supply 3. necessity) being made of it.
6:11 All languages are capable of the same types of expansion of vocabulary to deal with whatever new areas of life their speakers need to talk about.

■第8段落
8:1 However, this is by [16] (1. all 2. some 3. no) means the only way in which a language can develop its vocabulary;
8:2 there are many cases where the vocabulary of a language is developed from within, that is, by using its own existing resources.
8:3 One of the reasons why a languages own resources may be used in the expansion of its vocabulary is that a writer wants his/her work to be readily understood by its intended audience, who might be [17](1. put on 2. put off 3. pulled off) by too much borrowing.
8:4 This is what Cicero* did.
8:5 In order to write in Latin about the ideas of Greek philosophy, he developed a Latin vocabulary which corresponded to the ideas he wanted to put [18]( 1. away 2. down 3. across).
8:6 An example of this was his use of the Latin word ratio to mean ‘reason’, a usage which has come down to us today in English.
8:7 He also invented new words made up of Latin elements:
8:8 for instance, the word qualitas, which became ‘quality’ in English, was [19] (1. coined 2. depicted 3. designated) by Cicero to correspond to a Greek idea.
8:9 Thus, he composed his philosophical works in Latin partly to make Greek philosophy available to a Latin-speaking audience, but also partly to show that it could be done.
8:10 This was because some of his contemporaries were skeptical about the possibility of Latin being able to express the ideas of the Greeks!

総合政策学部 2006 問2、
■第3段落
3:1 In order to examine how rural people develop their own ways of [35] ( 1. governing 2. handling
3. producing) modern economic and social demands, we must first keep in mind that the states of Asia show a great variety in their physical and geographical features as well as in the populations that have traditionally lived in these diverse areas.

3:2 Of these, the most important distinction is that between “lowland” and “highland” areas.
3:3 “Lowland” refers to the lower-altitude areas where most urban and rural areas lie, and also to their populations, which are the majority.
3:4 “Highland” refers to the hill and mountain areas that have far fewer, usually minority, people, but that are [36] (1. rich 2. located 3. consistent) in forests and other resources.
3:5 Based on this distinction, the modern Asian nation-state has come to categorize farming people as belonging in two groups:
3:6 first, lowland people, who may be defined as the majority group or the major nationality, and second, highland people, who are normally defined as minorities or “hill tribes.”

3:7 Between these two major groups there are, of course, many cultural, institutional, and practical differences.
3:8 Yet the problems they face within the modernizing nations of Southeast Asia have many similarities.

■第5段落
5:1 Third, modern agriculture uses chemicals to kill weeds and insect pests as well as to fertilize the soil in order to increase productivity.
5:2 In principle, it is desirable to increase productivity and the [40] (1. income 2. expense 3. consumption) that goes with it.
5:3 For this reason farmers often agree to use expensive, imported chemical fertilizers and pesticides.
5:4 As farmers are frequently exposed to these chemicals, they are also the most numerous [41] (1. causes 2. vehicles 3. victims) of the illnesses associated with them.
5:5 Further, the average farmer cannot afford the constant expenses that are needed to maintain modern agricultural products.
5:6 When prices on the international market are high, they may be able to recover their expenses, but when prices drop, their debts increase.

■第3段落
3:1 Whatever little attention is given to accountability is usually misplaced.
3:2 Most donors and watchdogs have become alert to fraud and theft.
3:3 Fraud and theft are, however, no longer the real accountability issues.
3:4 We should focus on avoiding waste and ineffectiveness.
3:5 The problem with philanthropy today is that too much attention is focused on counting receipts and too little on outcomes.
3:6 Philanthropy, like business, should have a bottom line.
3:7 Any industry is going to suffer in the absence of [32] (1. loosely2. blindly 3. clearly) defined measures of success.

■第4段落
4:1 Approaching philanthropy as a form of investment is an important part of the solution to the problems of philanthropy.
4:2There is reason for [33] (1. optimism 2. pessimism 3. Nihilism) :
4:3 Increasingly, donors are treating their giving like their investments.
4:4 Many philanthropists have begun to see philanthropy as a capital market.
4:5 They demand the same levels of transparency and accountability that they expect from stock markets.
4:6 Some have termed this “social investment” or “venture philanthropy.”
4:7 Geneva Global, and organization created by donors in search of real accountability, prefers the term “performance philanthropy.”
4:8 Performance philanthropy is a hopeful alternative to traditional approaches to giving, [34] (1. unless 2. because 3. although) it is working.

■第7段落
7:1 This leads to the next question:
7:2 How can life change be maximized?
7:3 Geneva Global has found that the highest return on investment is generated by local, grassroots organizations rather than big national agencies or international non governmental organizations (NGOs).
7:4 This should not be [37] (1. surprising 2. common 3. Simple) .
7:5 The poor know what they need and are tireless in taking advantage of self-help opportunities.
7:6 A classic example of this is James Tooley’s research demonstrating the success of locally managed schools in the world’s worst slums.
7:7 Thus, we find that maximum return on investment comes when funds are invested in the poorest places.
7:8 These are situations where traditional approaches have most thoroughly [38] (1. failed 2. succeeded 3. disappeared).

■第8段落
8:1 The evaluation of grassroots projects must be based on evidence that each initiative has enjoyed successful performance – that it not only shows “need” but also demonstrates “proven results.”

8:2 Based on analysis of results from grants given, we have found that there are a number of key performance indicators that predict results.
8:3 The first is past record.
8:4 [39] (1. Since 2. While 3. Unless) past performance does not guarantee future results in investing, past performance is a strong predictor of future results in philanthropy.
8:5 Other key indicators are sustainability of the intervention, existence of thorough project plans with well-defined performance measures, and risk management planning.
8:6 Project leaders themselves are [40] (1. reliable 2. rare 3.sole) indicators of future performance, which can be predicted fairly well through demonstrated experience, demonstrated commitment to power sharing and training of others, and extent of networking to other leaders.
8:7 Nearly 80 percent of projects evaluated and funded over the past five years using this methodology met or exceeded their stated numerical project objectives.

■第11段落
11:1 The [44] (1. marriage 2. failure 3. uniqueness) of measurable results and more committed donors is why performance philanthropy is so convincing as a strategy for reducing global poverty and its related consequences.
11:2 According to the World Bank, half the world’s 6 billion people live on less than $2 a day, and
1.3 billion people – more than 20 percent of the world’s population – live on less than $1 per day.
11:3 These poverty figures, [45] (1. due to 2. roughly 3. despite) hundreds of billions of dollars of traditional philanthropy, keep growing.
11:4 The number of people living on less than $2 a day grew by 300 million in the last 20 years.

■第12段落
12:1 Our experiences show that there are many willing to participate in the noble campaign to end poverty on our planet.
12:2 Unfortunately, most charitable giving stays [46] (1. outside 2. inside 3. beside) the wealthiest countries.
12:3 In the United States, which accounts for the majority of private philanthropy worldwide, less than six percent of monetary giving leaves the United States.
12:4 Even using one research organizations liberal calculations that include volunteer time and other forms of giving, the total is still less than eight percent.
12:5 Research from other [47] (1.imperial 2. developed 3. Christian) nations produce similar results.
12:6 A leading reason for this disparity in need and giving has been the lack of reliable information and confirmation that donating abroad actually impacts those who need help the most.
12:7 Western private donors give [48] (1. little 2. different 3. great) weight to risk and return on investment.
12:8 When allowed to apply investment strategy to philanthropy, they respond.
12:9 This is evident in the growing number of givers adopting similar philosophies.

■第13段落
13:1 Giving [49] (1. blindly 2. modestly 3. inevitably) does not improve the status quo of poverty in the world.
13:2 This need not be the case.
13:3 Much can be accomplished with relatively modest amounts of money when giving is invested in results rather than in need only.
13:4 Philanthropists must demand [50] (1. more than 2. nothing less than 3. anything but) real, meaningful and measurable life change for those they seek to help.

■第1段落
1:1 There are many meanings of the word “theory.”
1:2 In science, a theory states a relationship between two or more things (scientists call them
“variables”) that can be tested by factual observations.
1:3 We have a “theory of gravity” that [1] (1. examines 2. predicts 3. acknowledges) the speed at which an object falls, the path on which a satellite must travel if it is to maintain a constant distance from the earth, and the position that a moon will keep with respect to its associated planet.

■第3段落
3:1 The other meaning of “theory” is the popular and not the scientific one.
3:2 It is referred to as a guess, a faith, or an idea.
3:3 It does not state L [4] (1. an adaptable 2. a testable. a usable) relationship between two or more things.
3:4 It is a belief that may be true, but its truth cannot be tested by scientific inquiry.
3:5 One such theory is that God exists and [5] (1.includes 2. infers 3. intervenes) in human life in ways that affect its outcome.
3:6 God may well exist, and He may well help people overcome problems or even (if we believe certain athletes) determine the outcome of a game.
3:7 But that theory cannot be verified.
3:8 There is no way anyone has found that we can prove empirically that God exists or that His action has affected some human life.
3:9 If such a test could be found, the scientist who performed it would overnight become a [6]( 1.
Genius 2. hero 3. Successor) .

■第4段落
4:1 Evolution is a theory in the scientific sense.
4:2 It has been tested repeatedly by examining the remains of now-extinct creatures to see how one [7] (1. sequence 2. Organization 3. Species) has emerged to replace another.
4:3 Even today we can see some examples of evolution at work, such as when scholars watch how birds on the Galapagos Islands adapt their beak size from generation to generation to the food supplies they encounter.

■第5段落
5:1 The theory of evolution has not been proven as fully as the theory of gravity.
5:2 There are many gaps in what we know about prehistoric creatures.
5:3 But everything that we have learned is [8](1.consistent with 2. Contrary to 3. irrelevant to) the view that the creatures we encounter today had ancestors from which they evolved.
5:4 This view, which is the only scientifically defensible theory of the origin of species, does not by any [9] (1.means 2. trend 3.accident) rule out the idea that God exists.

■第7段落
7:1 There is another theory called “intelligent design.”
7:2 Its [11] (1. Consumers 2. Critics 3. Proponents) argue that there are some things in the natural world that are so complex that they could not have been created by accident.
7:3 They often use the mousetrap as a metaphor.
7:4 We can have all of the parts of a trap – a board, a spring, a clamp – but it will not be a mousetrap unless someone assembles it.
7:5 The assembler is the “intelligent designer.”

総合政策学部 1999 問1
■第12段落
12:1 Billings has become a forceful advocate for the “asymptomatic ill”— healthy people with only a statistical risk of developing a disease.
12:2 In a study published in January, he and his colleagues documented 455 cases in which people were (12)(1. offered 2. sold 3. denied) insurance or healthcare — as well as jobs, schooling and the right to adopt children — on the basis of a family history of genetic disease.
12:3 Billings and his coauthors say these people are the first members of a new social underclass.

総合政策学部 2006 問2、
■第11段落
11:1 Modern development has brought about many benefits, but it has also raised many serious issues for rural people in Southeast Asia.
11:2 These people have also, however, been the ones to try out their own ways of resolving these problems.
11:3 The initiatives above are examples of successful local [50] (1. discussions 2. efforts 3. products) to choose and manage development on their own terms, and can serve as models to others facing similar issues.

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