慶應義塾大学SFC 英語 語法三択テクニック 『文法(語法)問題』

環境情報学部 1,995 問1、
■第3段落
3:1 Because the complexity of social interactions makes experimental manipulation difficult, human understanding of the signalling in the social life of animals remains largely based upon inference.
3:2 It is difficult to repeat an example many times with rigid control of all (5)(1. variations 2. variables 3. functions) except the one being investigated, and attempts to structure the testing situation to simplify the form of interaction often obviate the interaction.
3:3 Displays are universal among animals of any degree of structural complexity, however, so that they would not have been evolved and retained if they lacked important function.
3:4 But the function of a display is likely to differ, depending upon the individuals involved.
3:5 A small bird seeing an approaching hawk, for example, may utter a vocal display indicating the high probability that it (the communicator) is, or soon will be, engaged in an attempt to escape.
3:6 Other small birds, upon hearing the vocalization, may seek cover immediately.
3:7 Hence, the function of the vocalization is to give them a better opportunity to remain alive and not to increase the immediate chances of survival of the communicator — indeed, its chances for survival may slightly decrease.
3:8 The display functions for the communicator (6)(1. in that 2. for which 3. for whom) it protects individuals whose continued existence provides a benefit to him greater than the cost of using the display.
3:9 These individuals may be his offspring or associates whose similar responses to the environment will provide him future protection and, through their alertness in the future, make it possible for him to spend less time (7) ( 1. glancing 2. looking 3. scanning) his surroundings for predators.

環境情報学部 1,996 問1、
■第1段落
1:1 Leadership has been defined as the power of one or a few individuals to induce a group to adopt a particular line of policy.
1:2 Leadership has always fascinated the general public (1)(1. as well as 2. as told to 3.as understood by) observers of political life because of the element of “miracle” which seems embedded in the phenomenon.
1:3 It appears to belong to the realm of the divine, of the (2)(1. secular 2. mundane 3. sacred) as it creates a bond between rulers and ruled which defies ordinary explanations.
1:4 Not surprisingly, therefore, leadership has (3)(1. proved 2. found 3. judged) difficult to measure and to assess; works on the subject have tended to be descriptions of the deeds of heroes rather than careful analyses of the subject.

■第2段落
2:1 Part of the difficulty comes from the fact that the qualities required of a leader are hard to define.
2:2 Social psychologists and psychologists, who more than other academics have attempted to analyze the phenomenon and who have set up experiments designed to (4)(1. deflect 2. detect 3.detract) the components of leadership, have found it difficult to agree as to which personality characteristics are most important.
2:3 Many “traits” are felt to be essential, from energy to intelligence and from the ability to communicate to the capacity to make decisions rapidly and firmly.
2:4 The results so far do not provide a clear outline of what is or is not required, (5)(1. any less than 2. any more than 3. any other than) the biographies of “illustrious” men have made it possible to determine what exactly were the qualities of Alexander or Caesar, Napoleon or Churchill.

■第3段落
3:1 One reason why the personal qualities required of a leader (6)(1.should 2. may 3. may not) be diverse is because leadership cannot be divorced from the environment within which it occurs.
3:2 The role of this environment is (7)(1. manifest 2. manifold 3. manipulative) in several ways.
3:3 To begin with, the personal qualities of leaders are personal only in the sense that these leaders happen to possess them: they may also be viewed as being in part the product of the environment, from the family in which the leaders grew up to the nation to which they belong.
3:4 But there are two other essential ways in which leadership is related to and indeed (8)(1. contends with 2. suspends from 3. depends on) the environment.
3:5 First, leadership is, usually at least, clearly connected to the holding of a particular position: a prime minister may exercise his or her leadership more or less successfully; in the first instance, however, the fact of being prime minister provides opportunities which others do not have.
3:6 The holder of such a post is expected to be a leader; other politicians and the population as a whole look to the head of the government for guidance.
3:7 What needs explanation is more why some prime ministers or presidents do not succeed in becoming real leaders, rather than why they succeed (9)(1. in doing it 2. in doing so 3. in being it).
3:8 Indeed, more generally, the institutional framework truly fashions the characteristics of leadership in that it provides opportunities to exercise power: the British prime minister, for example, has an easier task in this respect than the Italian prime minister, who heads a coalition government whose many components are more likely to rebel than to follow.

■第4段落
4:1 There is, however, a second and even more fundamental way in which the environment appears to condition or even mould leadership : the circumstances are not equally advantageous to all those who hold top positions.
4:2 Of course, a “real” leader is the one who can (10)(1. lose 2. hold 3. seize) the opportunities and (11)(1. exploit 2. explain 3. extort) them to the full; but the opportunities may be rare.
4:3 Some leaders may benefit from the disunion of their enemies at home and abroad; others may benefit from the fact that external circumstances are favorable.
4:4 Indeed, it is in the context of foreign affairs that the characteristics of leadership have tended to (12)(1. indulge 2. submerge 3. emerge) most strongly, in part because foreign affairs have always been more glamorous than internal policy making and in part because, the stakes being much higher, up to and including the destruction of the country, the successes can be immense.
4:5 Machiavelli knew this well: most of his 1ecommendations to the Prince were connected to the aim of establishing leadership through prestigious victories against (13)(1. domestic 2. foreign 3. native) enemies.
4:6 Closer to our own day, one wonders how Winston Churchill would have fared — indeed whether he would still play a part in the history books, despite having been minister several times
— had he not “met with destiny” in 1940; the same might be said of Charles de Gaulle, as a result of the brutal French defeat of the same year.

■第6段落
6:1 So far there has been no definite answer to the question and none is likely to be given in the near future.
6:2 Attempts to compare different situations and assess how much of the variations could be attributed to leaders have occasionally been made.
6:3 Even if the efforts are not wholly convincing they (16)(1. take 2. rest 3.make) the case of those who suggest that leaders merely reflect their environment more difficult to sustain: it goes against common sense; it goes against the way people have always behaved, not least those who have (17)(1. processed 2. possessed 3. professed) that the environment was all powerful.
6:4 It is the political regimes that are most closely built on this philosophy, the communist systems, that produce the politicians who place most emphasis on leadership as though the socioeconomic forces needed Lenin, Mao, Tito and others to (18)(1. materialize 2. destroy 3. neutralize) themselves in the reality of political life.

環境情報学部 1,996 問2、
■第4段落
4:1 Two symbolic processes contribute heavily to the festival mystique: the manipulation of temporal reality and transformation.
4:2 The temporal reality of festival incorporates time in at least two dimensions.
4:3 In the first, the principles of periodicity and rhythm define the experience.
4:4 Not surprisingly, this cyclic pattern is associated with the cycles of the moon in cultures (8)(1. in which 2. of which 3. by which) the lunar calendar is or has been used in recent history.
4:5 With the passage of time festival occurs again and again, marking the cycles of the moon, the annual repetition of the seasons, and the movements of the planets governing the solar calendar.

4:6 Festival occurs calendrically, either on a certain date each month or on a specific date or periodic time each year.
4:7 The cycles of time are the justification for festival, independent of any human agent.
4:8 Unlike rites of passage, which move individuals through time, festival yokes the social group to this cyclic force, (9)(1. breaking 2. establishing 3. changing) contact with the cosmos and the eternal process of time.

■第6段落
6:1 In the festival environment, principles of reversal, repetition, juxtaposition, condensation, and excess flourish, leading to communication and behavior that (11)(1. abides by 2. incorporates 3. contrasts with) everyday life.
6:2 These principles can be applied to every code in use for communication.
6:3 Repetition, for example, operates (12)(1. although 2. so that 3. unless) the sound of drums, fireworks, or singing voices may be continuous throughout an event, or the major visual symbol such as an image of a bear or the symbol of corn or the cowboy/gaucho may be shown in many circumstances.

■第7段落
7:1 Festival use of symbolic form has captured the interest of a number of scholars in different disciplines, from Jane Ellen Harrison to Victor Turner and Mikhail Bakhtin, all of whom noted the
transformative potential in rites and festivals.
7:2 Transformation in festivals takes the form of symbolic manipulation using the principles listed above.
7:3 Among the most common is inversion, the reversal of the established social order, (13)(1. including 2. maintaining 3. furthering) social hierarchy and gender roles.
7:4 In hierarchical societies, symbolic inversion creates an upside-down world with the “inferior” at the top and the “superior” at the bottom, or it declares (14)(1. the social structure 2. inversion 3. egalitarianism) to be in order for the duration of the festival.
7:5 Special characters such as clowns may assume the role of agent in bringing about the symbolic action.
7:6 In societies in which egalitarianism is the stated form, symbolic inversion may create a (15)(1. demolition 2. royalty 3. reorientation) of queens and princesses, demonstrating the reversal from egalitarianism to aristocracy and from a male-dominated to a female-dominated social structure.

7:7 Competitions in festival serve the same purpose, creating competitive performers and dividing them into the victorious and the defeated, creating differentiation out of sameness.

環境情報学部 1997 問1
■第2段落
2:1 The film, which had stunned us a generation ago with its extraordinary technical and figurative invention, now seemed to repeat wearily things we had seen a thousand times before.
2:2 The drama of the paranoid computer still maintains its tension, though it (1)( 1. still 2. no longer 3. nonetheless) seems amazing; the beginning with the monkeys is still a fine piece of cinema, but those non-aerodynamic spaceships are now no more than the discarded plastic toys of yesteryear.

■第3段落
3:1 And yet we (2) (1. considered 2. are considering 3. had considered) Kubrick an innovator of genius.
3:2 But that is the point; the media have a history but they have no memory (two characteristics that ought to be incompatible).
3:3 The mass media are genealogical because, in them, every new invention sets (3) (1. off 2. out
3. on) a chain reaction of inventions and produces a sort of common language.
3:4 They have no memory because, when the chain of imitations has been produced, no one can remember who started it, and the head of the clan is confused with the latest great grandson.
3:5 (4)(1. Therefore 2. In contrast 3. Furthermore), the media learn ; and thus the spaceships of Star Wars, descended from Kubrick’s, are more complex and plausible than their ancestor, and now the ancestor seems to be their (5) (1 .imitator 2. origin 3. model).

■第6段落
6:1 Our relationship with the mass media has also changed.
6:2 We must learn new instruction on how to (10) (1. react 2. refer 3. return) to the mass media.
6:3 Everything that was said in the 60s and 70s must be reexamined.
6:4 Then we were victims of a model of the mass media based on the relationship with authority, a centralized transmitter, with precise political and pedagogical plans.
6:5 The messages were sent through recognizable techno· logical channels such as TV, radio, and the magazine page, to the victims of ideological indoctrination.
6:6 We (11) (1. could 2. would 3. might) only have to teach the addressees, we thought, to “read” the messages, to criticize them, and perhaps we would attain the age of intellectual freedom and critical awareness.

■第8段落
8:1 What is a mass medium today?
8:2 Let’s try to imagine a not so imaginary situation.
8:3 A company produces polo shirts with an alligator on them and advertises them.
8:4 A (12) (1. member 2. generation 3. character) begins to wear the polo shirts.
8:5 Each consumer of the polo shirt advertises, via the alligator on his chest, this brand of polo shirt (just as the owner of a Toyota is an unpaid, and paying, advertiser of the Toyota line and the model he drives).
8:6 A TV broadcast, to be faithful to reality, shows some young people wearing the alligator polo shirt.
8:7 The young (and the old) see the TV broadcast and buy more alligator polo shirts because they (13) (1. have 2. take 3. give) “the young look.”

■第10段落
10:1 And what about authority?
10:2 Do we perhaps identify authority with the designer who had the idea of inventing a new polo shirt design, or with the manufacturer who decided to sell it, and to sell it on a wide scale, to make money?
10:3 Or with those who legitimatelee agree to wear it, and to advertise an image of youth and recklessness, or happiness?
10:4 Or with the TV director, who has one of his young actors wear the polo shirt to characterize a generation?
10:5 Or with the singer who, to cover his expenses, agrees to sponsor the polo shirt?
10:6 All are in it, and all are outside it.
10:7 Power is elusive, and there is no longer (16) (1. any 2. some 3. all) telling where the “plan” comes from.
10:8 There is a plan, but it is no longer intentional.
10:9 Therefore, it cannot be criticized with the traditional (17) (1. critic 2. criticism 3. critics) of intentions.
10:10 All the professors of communication, trained by the texts of twenty years ago (this includes me), should be pensioned off.

環境情報学部 1,997 問2
■第12段落
12:1 Another goal which our schools and teachers should be (17) (1. revealing 2. provoking 3. pursuing) is the discovery of vocation, of one’s fate and destiny.
12:2 Part of learning who you are, part of being able to hear your inner voice, is discovering what it is that you want to do with your life.
12:3 Finding one’s identity is almost (18)(1. synonymous 2. incompatible 3. coinciding) with finding one’s career, revealing the altar on which one will sacrifice oneself.
12:4 Finding one’s lifework is a little like finding one’s mate.
12:5 One custom is for young people to “play the field,” to have lots of contacts with people, a love affair or two, and perhaps a serious trial marriage before getting married.
12:6 In this way they discover what they like and don’t like in members of the opposite sex.
12:7 As they become more and more conscious of their own needs and desires, those people who know themselves well enough eventually just find and recognize one another.
12:8 Sometimes very similar things happen when you find your career, your lifework.
12:9 It feels right and suddenly you find that twenty-four hours a day aren’t long enough, and you begin lamenting the shortness of human life.

環境情報学部 1998 問2
■第12段落
12:1 An “accident” in computer graphics: I am playing with a paint program, which enables me to create visual art on the screen and then store it on disk as data that can be called up later.
12:2 I intend to call up the art I was working on yesterday, but I hit the wrong key and call up the zip code index of my mailing list.
12:3 The thousands of zip codes, (14) (1. having transformed 2. trans- formed 3. transforming) into a single glowing screen of abstract color and pattern, turn out as a startling and beautiful scene of otherworldly microscopic life.
12:4 From this serendipitous blunder evolves a technique that I use to create dozens of new artworks.

環境情報学部 2,000 問1、
■第3段落
3:1 El Niño, Spanish for ‘the child’ (and specifically the Christ child), is the name Peruvian fishermen gave to coastal sea temperature [3](1. silence 2. coldness 3. warmings) that first appeared around Christmas time.
3:2 Now El Niño more generally refers to a warming of the tropical Pacific basin that occurs roughly [4] (1. every 2. any 3. some) three to seven years in association with a weakening of the trade winds.
3:3 The opposite side of El Niño, La Niña, is characterized by stronger-than-normal trade winds and unusually cold sea-surface temperatures in the tropical Pacific.
3:4 Both El Niño and La Niña are [5] (1. disrupted 2. exchanged 3. accompanied) by swings in atmospheric pressure between the eastern and western Pacific.
3:5 These swings are known as the Southern Oscillation.
3:6 These phenomena are collectively [6] (1. preferred 2. referred to 3. gathered) as ENSO or El Niño/Southern Oscillation.
3:7 At the moment, a strong La Niña is evident in the tropical Pacific, with several (but not all) forecast models predicting a return to [7] (1. abnormal 2. formal 3. normal) by the end of 1999.

■第6段落
6:1 Several factors may have contributed to the [12] (1. strength 2. Weakness 3. Calmness) of the 1997-98 El Niño.
6:2 One is chaos, which some theories invoke to account for the irregularity of the ENSO cycle.
6:3 Nonlinear resonances involving ENSO and the seasonal cycle have received special attention, but other chaotic interactions may affect ENSO as well.
6:4 In 1997-98, events possibly acted together to produce an extraordinarily strong El Niño simply due to the underlying tendency towards chaos in the climate system.
6:5 A related issue is [13] (1. another 2. that 3. in case) of weather ‘noise.’
6:6 Weather phenomena, inherently unpredictable more than about two weeks [14] (1. in advance 2. ago 3. later), are a source of random forcing in the climate system.
6:7 In the tropical Pacific, weather events occurring at the right time, and on time and space scales [15] (1. for 2. in 3. to) which the ocean is sensitive, can markedly alter the evolution of the ENSO cycle.

■第6段落
6:1 Several factors may have contributed to the [12] (1. strength 2. Weakness 3. Calmness) of the 1997-98 El Niño.
6:2 One is chaos, which some theories invoke to account for the irregularity of the ENSO cycle.
6:3 Nonlinear resonances involving ENSO and the seasonal cycle have received special attention, but other chaotic interactions may affect ENSO as well.
6:4 In 1997-98, events possibly acted together to produce an extraordinarily strong El Niño simply due to the underlying tendency towards chaos in the climate system.
6:5 A related issue is [13] (1. another 2. that 3. in case) of weather ‘noise.’
6:6 Weather phenomena, inherently unpredictable more than about two weeks [14] (1. in advance 2. ago 3. later), are a source of random forcing in the climate system.
6:7 In the tropical Pacific, weather events occurring at the right time, and on time and space scales [15] (1. for 2. in 3. to) which the ocean is sensitive, can markedly alter the evolution of the ENSO cycle.

環境情報学部 2,000 問2
■第2段落
2:1 When the photograph first appeared, it accompanied a story of the famine that has once again [1] (1. moved 2. solved 3. resulted from) political violence and the chaos of civil war in the southern Sudan.
2:2 The Times’ self-congratulatory account fails to adequately evoke the image’s shocking effect.
2:3 The child is [2] (1. much 2. hardly 3. a little) larger than an infant; she is naked; she appears bowed over in weakness and sickness, incapable, it would seem, [3] (1. from 2. of
3. for) moving; she is unprotected.
2:4 No mother, no family, no one is present to prevent her from being attacked by the vulture, or succumbing to starvation and then being eaten.
2:5 The image suggests that she has been abandoned.
2:6 Why?
2:7 The reader again is led to imagine various [4] ( 1. scenarios 2. styles 3. collections) of suffering: she has been lost in the chaos of forced uprooting; her family has died ; she has been deserted near death in order for her mother to [5] ( 1. keep up with 2 .get rid of 3. hold on to) more viable children.
2:8 The image’s great success is that it causes the reader to want to know more.
2:9 Why is this innocent victim of civil war and famine unprotected?
2:10 The vulture embodies danger and evil, but the greater dangers and real forces of evil are not in the “natural world”; they are in the political world, [6] (1. including 2. predicting 3. speaking of) those nearby in army uniforms or in government offices in Khartoum.
2:11 Famine has become a political strategy in the Sudan.

■第6段落
6:1 Watching and reading about suffering, especially suffering that exists [11]( 1. in the
past 2. nowhere 3. somewhere else), has become a form of entertainment.
6:2 Images of trauma are part of our political economy.
6:3 Papers are sold, television programs gain [12] (1. audience share 2. no program 3. less time), careers are advanced, jobs are created, and prizes are awarded through the consumption and appropriation of images of suffering.
6:4 Kevin Carter won the Pulitzer Prize, but his victory, substantial [13] (1. for 2. as 3. like) it was, was won because of the misery (and probably death) of a nameless little girl.
6:5 That [14] (1. least 2. more 3. less) dubious side of the appropriation of human misery in the globalization of cultural processes is what must be addressed.

環境情報学部 2,001 問1、
■第2段落
2:1 Today linguists agree that King James was wrong: a child is not born with knowledge of a specific language.
2:2 We know that language develops as a child interacts with adults.
2:3 However, exactly what happens in the process of language acquisition [1](1. regains 2. retains 3. remains) a matter of debate.
2:4 Somehow, virtually all children acquire a means of communication so complex that no one has ever fully described the grammatical rules for even a single language.

■第7段落
7:1 Chomsky suggested that there is a “deep structure” of meanings that all languages have in common.
7:2 Those meanings are transformed into the words of different languages by means of a “universal grammar.”
7:3 He claimed that once this grammar was mapped out, it would [9](1. reveal 2. conceal 3. modify)the logical properties that govern the infinite variety of Sentences that can be formed.
7:4 This mapping task, however, proved almost impossible.
7:5 Every time the “universal grammar” encountered a new language it had to be revised.
7:6 One attempt to describe French in this fashion required twelve thousand items just to classify its verb structures.

■第8段落
8:1 The United Kingdom has three agricultural schemes that could have benefits for [11] (1.intensification 2. biodiversity 3. revolution).
8:2 Two of these schemes, the Environmentally Sensitive Areas and the Countryside Stewardship Scheme, both subsidize* farmers to preserve traditional landscape features.
8:3 Between them they cover about 12.5% of agricultural land.
8:4 Unfortunately, there are few data to [12](1. demonstrate 2. experiment 3. authorize) whether or not these schemes have benefits for biodiversity, although some habitats have been preserved or restored.
8:5 A third scheme, “set-aside,” subsidizes farmers to leave some fields uncultivated.
8:6 The available data show that set-aside can be beneficial for birds and other wildlife.
8:7 But set-aside will probably be discontinued early in the 21st century.
8:8 Although we can, as described above, devise schemes that may help a traditional environment or individual species to [13](1. recover 2. conserve 3. adhere) , there appears to be no single program or combination of programs that can reverse the decline in a large general population such as farmland birds.
8:9 Therefore, the most general prescription seems to be to reverse the intensification of agriculture as a whole.

環境情報学部 2002 問1、
■第15段落
15:1 Whatever the reason, the close personal relationships that characterize happy lives are also correlated with health.
15:2 Compared with loners, those who can name several [15] (1.aged 2.intimate 3.social) friends are healthier and less likely to die prematurely.
15:3 For nine out of ten people, the most significant alternative to aloneness is marriage.
15:4 Although a broken marriage can cause much misery, a good marriage apparently is a strong source of support.
15:5 During the 1970s and 1980s, 39 percent of married adults told the National Opinion Research Center they were “very happy,” as compared with 24 percent of those who had never married.
15:5 In other surveys, only 12 percent of those who had divorced [16](1. perceived 2. correlated 3. persuaded) themselves to be “very happy.”

15:6 The happiness gap between the married and never married was similar for men and women.

環境情報学部 2002 問2
■第5段落
5:1 The key point of the mitochondrial evidence for an African origin has been several African mitochondrial lineages that go far back in the evolutionary trees of human populations, [9] (1.because 2. even though 3.if) they have only had weak statistical support.
5:2 Gyllensten’s team also found this pattern, but obtained a stronger family tree by collecting a larger data set than in previous studies.
5:3 Interpreted literally, the tree indicates that some Africans are genetically closer to Europeans and Asians than to other Africans.
5:4 However, the history of a single gene or molecule may not [10](1.always 2. Sometimes 3.ever)mirror that of the population, and other molecular studies place Africans in a single group.
5:5 [11](1. Otherwise 2. Together 3. Similarly) , these studies suggest that the founding population leaving Africa carried with it a group of mitochondrion alleles — alternative forms of the same gene
— and that African populations continued to interbreed after the exodus.

■第7段落
7:1 Another question is when H. sapiens arose in the first place.
7:2 Molecular clocks would be well suited to address that question if our closest relative were living.
7:3 [14] (1. Also 2. Not only 3. But) the closest relative to modern humans, whether H. erectus or some other species, is unfortunately extinct.
7:4 The earliest fossils of modern H. sapiens are 130,000 years old, so that is the most recent time boundary for the origin of our species.
7:5 Studies of ancient DNA provide hints to the older time boundary.
7:6 The split between H. neanderthalensis (a species which is not necessarily our closest relative) and H. sapiens has been indicated by a DNA clock at 465,000 years ago.
7:7 So our species probably arose somewhere between 130,000 and 465,000 years ago.
7:8 An estimate of 200,000 years ago is not [15] (1. possible 2. appropriate 3. unreasonable) given the transition seen in the African fossil record between ancient and modern humans around that time.

総合政策学部 1996 問1、
■第12段落
12:1 When presenting an argument one must consider whether opposing arguments should or should not be addressed.
12:2 As a general rule, presenting two-sided arguments is more effective because the audience tends to believe that the communicator is offering objective and unbiased information.
12:3 Moreover, well-informed and well-educated audiences are more (17)(1. receptive 2. subordinate 3. liable) to two-sided appeals as opposed to one-sided arguments.
12:4 Although there are instances in which recognizing opposing arguments may obscure the communicator’s message and fail to sway people’s opinions, the vantage point is still more robust with a two-sided appeal.
12:5 However, in instances where the audience is in full agreement with the message of the communicator a one-sided appeal is more effective.
12:6 Speculation (18)(1. makes 2. has 3. leaves) it that factors which influence people’s persuasibility to one as opposed to two-sided arguments are dependent upon their educational level and their acquaintance with the issue.

総合政策学部 1,997 問2
■第3段落
3:1 What especially intrigued Barrington was the nature of genius itself.
3:2 (3)(1. How it is, he wondered 2. How is it, wondered he 3. How is it, he wondered) , that this child could be so exceptional in one particular arena, and so normal a child in apparently every other way?
3:3 Not only did Mozart look like a child, but
3:4 …whilst he was playing to me (Barrington wrote), a favorite cat came in, upon which he immediately left his harpsichord, nor could we bring him back for a considerable time.
3:5 He would also sometimes run about the room with a stick between his legs (playing horse).

■第13段落
13:1 But what inspires the pecking behavior?
13:2 The baby gull has no conscious understanding of a reward to be gained.
13:3 It has never eaten before and cannot know (15) (1. what 2. how 3. that) a knock on a parents bill will provide.
13:4 The behavior must be innate and unlearned.

■第16段落
16:1 The concept of modularity (19) (1. lies 2. forms 3. stays) at the heart of much innovative research in cognitive science.
16:2 The brain does a great deal of work by complex coordination among its parts, but we have also known for a long time that highly particular attitudes and behaviors map to specific portions of the brain.
16:3 Barrington’s study of Mozart and the modern scientific research on the behavior of newborn gulls may seem at first sight to have (20) (1. little 2. much 3. everything) in common.
16:4 However, although we may read it to learn more about the life of a man revered for his contribution to the world of art, the illustration of modularity evidenced both in Mozart’s own behavior and in his ability to separate and abstract single emotions is an important contribution to our understanding of the human mind.

総合政策学部 1,998 問1、
■第4段落
4:1 Celia, on paper, appeared to be somewhere between Alice and Barbara in terms of suitability for admission to the graduate program.
4:2 She was good on almost every measure of success but not truly outstanding on any.
4:3 We admitted her, (6) (1. expecting that she comes out 2. expecting her to come out 3. having expected to come out) near the middle of the class.
4:4 This did not happen.
4:5 Celia proved to be outstanding, though in a way that is quite different from Alice’s or Barbara’s.

4:6 Celia’s expertise lies in figuring out and adapting to the demands of the environ mint.
4:7 Placed in a totally new setting, she loses no time identifying what is required of her and behaving (7) (1. agreeably 2. accordingly 3. selectively).
4:8 She knows exactly what to do to get ahead.
4:9 In conventional parlance, Celia is “street smart.”
4:10 She excels in practical intelligence.

総合政策学部 1,998 問2、
■第8段落
8:1 The use of writing enables us to accumulate knowledge and at the same time to formalize, summarize, and generate it by means of paralinguistic devices, such as diagrams (including Euclidean geometry), lists, and tables.
8:2 Such devices not only facilitate comprehension, their creation advances understanding by grouping material in new or question raising ways.
8:3 The telephone directory and the dictionary are important developments from the simpler forms, powerful instruments of knowledge and communication.
8:4 At the same time the shopping list or railway timetable enables one to plan ones future action, and the critical value of such tables for the allocation of time, for teaching, for work, in calendars, and in daily diaries needs no stressing.
8:5 Once again, while planning is intrinsic to all human communities, such action can be greatly (20) (1. enhanced 2. escalated 3. elevated) by the use of literacy.

総合政策学部 1999 問1
■第11段落
11:1 Botstein does worry about healthcare discrimination, (8) (1. giving 2. making 3. calling) it a serious social problem.
11:2 But he points out that it is mostly a problem in the United States — in Europe, there is (9) (1. some 2. little 3. a little) incentive to discriminate because everyone is guaranteed some level of healthcare.
11:3 Paul Billings, deputy chief of staff at the Veterans Affairs Medical Center in Palo Alto, says that people like Botstein are (10) (1.deluding 2. cheating 3. camouflaging) themselves if they think that healthcare is the only arena where genetic information is misused.
11:4 He cites a number of nightmarish cases: The 24year old woman fired from her job after her employer learned of her risk of Huntington’s disease, an ailment that usually doesn’t strike until after 40; their recruits turned down by the Air Force because they were (11) (1. carriers 2. patients
3. agents) of sickle cell disease; the two Marines court-martialed for refusing to take a gene test.

■第15段落
15:1 Like Billings, Cox has stepped outside the laboratory to try to influence the way that gene technologies are used.
15:2 He is both a scientific leader of the national Human Genome Project and (14) (1. an establishing 2. a founding 3. an advocating) member of its unique spinoff: the Ethical, Legal and Social Implications (ELSI) Working Group.

総合政策学部 2,000 問1
■第7段落
7:1 Postman: Socrates also says that writing forces us to follow an argument [5](1.more than 2. even more 3. rather than) to participate in it; and I think you see that all the time when a professor is giving a lecture.
7:2 The students are all writing their notes, trying to follow an argument, and abandoning [6](1. any hope 2. some hope 3. no hope) of participating in the argument.
7:3 So I think that interactive computer programs might be a good way of correcting this, because then the learner could participate in the argument.
7:4 But, when people talk about distance learning, they have in mind something that would replace many of the methods of learning we now have, rather than [7](1. restrict 2. add to 3. abstract) them.
7:5 So I have my doubts about how much computers will really change education.

■第8段落
8:1 I always think of the longevity of the lecture method [8](1. in use 2. in demand 3. in style) in most universities.
8:2 In the 15th century, just before the invention of the machine-made book, a professor had the only manuscript of an author’s work.
8:3 So of course, lecturing made sense.
8:4 In the first fifty years after the invention of printing, more than eight million books were printed.
8:5 You would think that the lecture method would have disappeared.
8:6 [9](1.When 2. Why 3. Where) should we have a professor standing in front of a group of students who could all read the same book that the professor had?
8:7 The odd thing is that at New York University, this [10](1. one 2. very 3. only) day, probably 95% of the instruction is through the lecture method.
8:8 So I have to ask why, after 500 years, were still using a method that ought to have become obsolete through technological development.

■第11段落
11:1 Also, I think a lot of people don’t fully understand the possibilities of the computer in education.
11:2 The state of the art in educational programming is to take a subject matter that’s pretty cut- and-dried, and exhaustively deal with all the different situations that may come up.
11:3 Then the computer can recognize all the different possible situations and answers.
11:4 For example, the chief scientist at Xerox, John Sealy Brown, has come up with a subtraction program that could actually be of [15](1. any 2. all 3. Some) help because it can recognize enough of what the students were doing, and thereby, correct errors.

■第12段落
12:1 Postman: Well, for me, the learning situation is at its best when human beings are cop resent, and one can see, hear and feel the full impact of each human being there.
12:2 The power of a social group drawing on each other’s energy and strength is all part of what’s supposed to happen in a classroom.
12:3 I think that when you have twenty people together in a room, who can see, and practically smell [16](1. each other 2. every one 3. each one) all trying to solve some sort of problem — there is nothing to compare to it as a learning experience.総合政策学部 2,001 問1

■第2段落
2:1 This vague moral claim has turned up in the discussion of issues as [1](1. variety 2. varied 3. variously) as affirmative action* and the moral status of such culturally overwhelming institutions as McDonalds.
2:2 If we take these arguments literally, cultural survival is [2](1. something 2. anything 3. nothing)very close to a moral absolute; to refuse to agree with it is to sign up on the side of cultural destruction and global conformity.

■第12段落
12:1 While I cannot accept the argument that all existing cultures have a moral right to permanent survival, I would assert that there are circumstances under which allowing the destruction of a culture is immoral.
12:2 Cultures can go out of the world because its members gradually and freely choose to adopt the norms of an outside culture.
12:3 But much more often, the members of a culture assimilate because the surrounding community has made it impossible not to do so.
12:4 Injustice and oppression have made many cultures around the world less likely to survive than they would otherwise be; allowing these cultures to disappear would reflect the tragic outcome of an unjust process.
12:5 But this conclusion derives from the circumstances of the disappearance [18](1. rather than 2. more than 3. less than) from the disappearance itself.

■第3段落
3:1 Are there really such [3](1. great mysteries 2. good terms 3. firm differences) on this subject in terms of traditions and cultures across the world ?
3:2 It is certainly true that governmental spokesmen in several Asian countries have not only disputed the relevance and importance of universal human rights, but they have also frequently done this disputing in the name of “Asian values,” in contrast to Western values.
3:3 The claim is that in the system of so-called Asian values, for example in the Confucian system, there is greater emphasis on order and discipline, and [4](1. less 2. fewer 3. than) on rights and freedoms.

■第7段落
7:1 In seeing Western civilization as the natural habitat of individual freedom and political democracy, there is a tendency to extrapolate backwards from the present.
7:2 Values that the European Enlightenment and other recent developments since the eighteenth century [10](1. did make 2. have made 3.are made) common and widespread are often seen as part of the long-run Western heritage, experienced in the West over millennia.
7:3 The concept of universal human rights in the broad general sense of entitlements of every human being is really a relatively new idea, [11](1. as being not 2. not to be 3. As never been) much found either in the ancient West or in ancient civilizations elsewhere.

■第10段落
10:1 The so-called “Western values of freedom and liberty,” sometimes seen as an ancient Western inheritance, are not particularly [16](1.but uniquely 2. but proudly 3. nor exclusively) Western in their origins.
10:2 Many of these values have taken their full form only over the [17](1. last 2. earlier 3. recent)few centuries.
10:3 While we do find some anticipatory components in parts of the ancient Western traditions, there are other such anticipatory components in parts of nonwestern ancient traditions as well.

10:4 On the particular subject of toleration, Plato and Confucius may be on a somewhat similar side, [18](1. such as 2. just as 3. thereby) Aristotle and Ashoka may be on another side.
10:5 The need to acknowledge diversity applies not only between nations and cultures, but also
within each nation and culture.

10:6 In the anxiety to [19](1. write 2. take 3. put) adequate note of international diversity and cultural divergences, and the so-called differences between “Western civilization,”“Asian values,” “African culture, and so on, there is often a dramatic neglect of heterogeneity within each country and culture.
10:7 “Nations” and “cultures” are not particularly good units to understand and analyze intellectual and political differences.
10:8 Lines of division in commitments and skepticism do not run along national boundaries — they run at many different [20](1. speeds 2. faces 3. Levels).
10:9 The rhetoric of cultures, with each “culture” seen in largely homogenized terms, can trouble us politically as well as intellectually.

総合政策学部 2,002 問2、
■第2段落
2:1 By the seventh century some of these principles had spread to the Islamic world.
2:2 The leading Islamic statement on the law of nations written in the ninth century to some extent reflects principles laid [2](1. upon 2. down 3. by) in the Old Testament, with its ban on the killing of women, children, the old and [3](1. the helpless 2. the help 3. helpful) .
2:3 Moreover, a prisoner of war should not be killed, but he may be ransomed* or set free.
2:4 But, prisoners might be killed if it were considered advantageous in conducting a war [4](1. therefore 2. however 3. despite), this would not be so if the prisoners converted to Islam.

■第4段落
4:1 [8](1. Such 2. Forbidden 3. It) was not only through the military codes or the rules of chivalry that basic rules for the conduct of war were developing.
4:2 During the Crusades*, religious hatred tended to lead to the total destruction of the enemy.
4:3 However, by the twelfth century, the Knights of the Order of St. John had established a hospital in Jerusalem for the care of the sick as well as for [9](1. dead 2. injured 3. killed) soldiers.
4:4 In 1552, French Commander François de Guise ordered the French army doctor Amboise Para to take care of the abandoned wounded soldiers of the enemy and to make arrangements for their transport back to their army.

■第11段落
11:1 In general, in the absence of any specific treaty or international customary law relating to a particular weapon and restricting or controlling its use, the employment of such weapons is subject
to the general rules of the law of armed conflict.

11:2 The question of the legality of such weapons should be decided in accordance with those rules, particularly those concerning unnecessary suffering and proportionality.
11:3 In view of the effects of a nuclear explosion, the long-term nature of its radioactive fallout, and the existence of treaties banning the use of poison or other biological weapons, it might be expected [19](1. to 2. although 3. that) nuclear weapons would fall under the ban on those
weapons causing unnecessary suffering and adversely affecting the environment.

11:4 However, some schools of international lawyers hold that war employing nuclear weapons to
prevent new nuclear powers from emerging would be reasonable in some circumstances.

総合政策学部 2002 問1
■第1段落
1:1 The idea of using trade to create political stability is not a new one.
1:2 It took the form of imperialism in the late 19th century, when colonies were used to help the industrialization of the colonial powers.
1:3 After centuries of change, the fundamental principle remains the same, though with a shift in focus.
1:4 Now, private companies rather than governments are attempting to foster peace between groups in conflict by involving them in cooperative business ventures.
1:5 David Lubetsky, CEO of one such company, Peace Works, says, “The more companies operate and profit together, the more they will gain a common interest in preserving and cementing those bonds… and hopefully someday, prosperity will make stability prevail.”
1:6 This movement takes the socially conscious business practices of the last quarter century one step [1](1. more 2. further 3. far) ; rather than just promoting donations, this new theory gives businesses an incentive to become involved in creating peace by establishing commercial and personal links between groups in conflict.

■第2段落
2:1 The need for socially conscious enterprise was initially recognized in the 1980s, when organizations like the Social Venture Network [2](1. founded 2. sought 3. found) to create a
network of entrepreneurs who would design and implement innovative ways in which business could be used to benefit society.
2:2 Until recently, this agenda meant that companies gave away a certain percentage of their pre- tax earnings to a worthy cause or Organization and supported projects for social change, which benefited children, families, disadvantaged groups, and the environment.
2:3 Since the 1990s, [3](1. nonetheless 2. nevertheless 3. However), this original philosophy has evolved further.
2:4 Businesses have realized that creating a highly profitable venture does not require a sole focus on increasing profitability: businesses can simultaneously create profit and foster long-term economic stability and peace in their countries of operation.

■第9段落
9:1 The first notion — that people ought to be respected as equals regardless of their ethnicity, race, gender and other distinguishing traits is today a part of any plausible political philosophy.

9:2 But it [14](1.necessarily 2. logically 3. hardly) follows that we must value and preserve diversity itself in the abstract.
9:3 We have, I think, no reason to regret that the world does not contain twice as many cultures as it does.

総合政策学部 2006 問2、
■第3段落
3:1 In order to examine how rural people develop their own ways of [35] ( 1. governing 2. handling 3. producing) modern economic and social demands, we must first keep in mind that the states of Asia show a great variety in their physical and geographical features as well as in the populations that have traditionally lived in these diverse areas.
3:2 Of these, the most important distinction is that between “lowland” and “highland” areas.
3:3 “Lowland” refers to the lower-altitude areas where most urban and rural areas lie, and also to their populations, which are the majority.
3:4 “Highland” refers to the hill and mountain areas that have far fewer, usually minority, people, but that are [36] (1. rich 2. located 3. consistent) in forests and other resources.
3:5 Based on this distinction, the modern Asian nation-state has come to categorize farming people as belonging in two groups:
3:6 first, lowland people, who may be defined as the majority group or the major nationality, and second, highland people, who are normally defined as minorities or “hill tribes.”

3:7 Between these two major groups there are, of course, many cultural, institutional, and practical differences.
3:8 Yet the problems they face within the modernizing nations of Southeast Asia have many similarities.

■第7段落
7:1 Traditional Societies did have their own forms of political and social decision making when facing problems in the community.
7:2 Before their exposure to western-style democracy, rural people could discuss their needs and plans [43] (1. in 2. among 3. to) themselves at village meetings, in temple gatherings, or elsewhere.
7:3 In these traditional ways of discussing and governing, the position of the village head or other local leaders was an inherited position, and this system had its drawbacks in that it was feudalistic and authoritarian.
7:4 But the [44] (1. advantage 2. reason 3. idea) was that these leaders were people from the same local area and they understood the local culture and values.

■第9段落
9:1 In fact, within traditional ways of life, there was traditional or indigenous knowledge, that is, knowledge about the natural environment, about sustainable production and consumption, and about remedies for illnesses.
9:2 With modernization, “modern” knowledge that comes from education and textbooks was given priority.
9:3 [46] (1. Such 2. They 3. So) were the uses of machinery and chemicals in work and production.
9:4 Until recently these had been seen as the sole ways of finding solutions to agricultural poverty.
9:4 Now, however, the world has begun talking about sustainable development [47] (1. as though
2. merely 3. in order) to overcome our previous tendency to overconsumption and pollution.
9:5 And for us to achieve sustainability in the 21st century, we must once again put into practice traditional kinds of knowledge.

総合政策学部 2006 問1
■第1段落
1:1 It’s probably impossible for most Americans even to begin to understand how it must feel to live in the extreme poverty of Calcutta, India, surviving in a crude shack or on the street with [1]( 1. little 2. no 3. less) , if any, access to clean water, nutritious food or decent health care.
1:2 The filth.
1:3 The crowds.
1:4 The disease.
1:5 From the perspective of the comfortably housed, amply fed and lavishly entertained, such conditions sound hopeless, and the suffering they must breed seems unimaginable.

■第3段落
3:1 The enormous assumption behind this finding, of course, is that happiness, like Olympic figure skating, can really be scored numerically at all and that the judges who score it don’t even need to come from the same countries or speak the same languages as the people there judging.
3:2 Robert BiswasDiener, a professor of psychology at Portland State University in Oregon and the [4] (1. soul 2. heart 3. mind) behind the Calcutta study, believes this.
3:3 BiswasDiener has worked extensively with his father, the noted University of Illinois psychologist Ed Diner, to evaluate the “Subjective Well-being” (SWB), as they call it, of people around the globe, from Masa warriors in East Africa to Inuit hunters in Northern Greenland, [5]( 1. inviting 2. permitting 3. indulging) them to answer various questions about their moods and outlook.
3:4 The results have led them to one sweeping conclusion:
3:5 human beings, no matter where they live, and almost without regard to how they live, are, in the elder Diner’s words, “preset to be happy.”

■第6段落
6:1 This positivity tendency does not appear to be popular in East Asia.
6:2 Among the bottom five in the study are Japan, China and South Korea.
6:3 “We have found that East Asians tend to weight the worst areas of their lives when computing their life satisfaction, Ed Diner reports.
6:4 That’s the weight of cultural expectation, says Shigehiro Oishi, a professor of psychology at the University of Virginia, who does research on the connection between culture and wellbeing.
6:5 According to Oishi, in most North American and western European cultures there is a general [11] (1. process 2. rule 3. tendency) to value happiness.
6:6 In the U.S., when people ask how you are, you have to say, “I’m fine”, but in Japan, you can say, “I’m dying.”

6:7 And even if you are thriving in Asia, lifting yourself above others by proclaiming your O. Knees in public may [12] (1. comply 2. clash 3. Combine) with broader goals which go beyond the immediate individual goals, says Oishi.
6:8 So you don’t.

■第8段落
8:1 Biswas-Diener too feels that attitude  [15] (1. explains 2. counts 3. goes) but also notes that highly developed nations in the individualistic West do, as a group, score consistently high, suggesting that it doesn’t [16] ( 1. destroy 2. help 3. hurt) a country to pave its highways and disinfect its water supply.
8:2 Happiness wise, attitude gets people over the hump – but it doesn’t get them to the mountaintop.

総合政策学部 2,008 問1
■第2段落
2:1 Secondly, the scientist systematically and empirically tests her hypotheses.
2:2 The man in the street certainly tests his “hypotheses,” too, but he tests them in what might be [4] (1. defined 2. assumed 3. called) a selective fashion.
2:3 He often “selects” evidence simply because it is consistent with his hypothesis.
2:4 Take the stereotype: Fast food is bad for you.
2:5 If some people believe this, they can easily “verify” their belief by noting that many kinds of fast food are unhealthy.
2:6 [5] (1. Exceptions 2. Rules 3. Objectives) to the stereotype, such as healthy or low-fat fast foods, are not taken into account.
2:7 The true social scientist, knowing this “selection tendency” to be a common psychological phenomenon, carefully guards her research against her own preconceptions and predilections, and avoids selecting only the kinds of data that support her hypotheses.
2:8 Most importantly, she is not content with an armchair exploration of a relation;
2:9 she feels it [6] (1. uncomfortable 2. obligatory 3. stressful) to test her hypothesis against empirical reality.
2:10 She thus emphasizes the importance of systematic, controlled, and empirical testing of her hypotheses.

■第2段落
2:1 Secondly, the scientist systematically and empirically tests her hypotheses.
2:2 The man in the street certainly tests his “hypotheses,” too, but he tests them in what might be [4] (1. defined 2. assumed 3. called) a selective fashion.
2:3 He often “selects” evidence simply because it is consistent with his hypothesis.
2:4 Take the stereotype: Fast food is bad for you.
2:5 If some people believe this, they can easily “verify” their belief by noting that many kinds of fast food are unhealthy.
2:6 [5] (1. Exceptions 2. Rules 3. Objectives) to the stereotype, such as healthy or low-fat fast foods, are not taken into account.
2:7 The true social scientist, knowing this “selection tendency” to be a common psychological phenomenon, carefully guards her research against her own preconceptions and predilections, and avoids selecting only the kinds of data that support her hypotheses.
2:8 Most importantly, she is not content with an armchair exploration of a relation;
2:9 she feels it [6] (1. uncomfortable 2. obligatory 3. stressful) to test her hypothesis against empirical reality.
2:10 She thus emphasizes the importance of systematic, controlled, and empirical testing of her hypotheses.

総合政策学部 2008 問2
■第6段落
6:1 First, the tsunami of December 2004 resulted in a severe loss of life and property along coastal Tamil Nadu in southern India, which is where Mr. Swami Nathan lives.
6:2 For 15 years [39] (1. previously 2. Since then 3. Now) , many residents of that district have been trying to persuade coastal communities not to destroy the mangrove forests along the coast.
6:3 But the coastal people’s preoccupations with their livelihood did not allow them to heed that request.
6:4 The tsunami miraculously changed their outlook.
6:5 Villages adjoining thick mangrove forests were saved from the fury of the tsunami because of the wave breaking [40] (1. impact 2. role 3. force) played by the mangroves.
6:6 But in nearby villages, where mangroves had been destroyed either for fuel wood or to create fishponds, several hundred fishermen died.
6:7 This area is near the temple town of Chidambaram, [41] (1which. 2. Where 3. When) centuries ago the temple builders had chosen a mangrove species as the temple tree.
6:8 Following the tsunami there was a sudden awareness of the reason for this choice, and local people now refer to mangrove trees as “life savers.”

6:9 What the residents could not achieve in 15 years by arguing that mangroves would serve as a natural, biological shield in the event of a flood was thus achieved in a day.

■第6段落
6:1 First, the tsunami of December 2004 resulted in a severe loss of life and property along coastal Tamil Nadu in southern India, which is where Mr. Swami Nathan lives.
6:2 For 15 years [39] (1. previously 2. Since then 3. Now), many residents of that district have been trying to persuade coastal communities not to destroy the mangrove forests along the coast.
6:3 But the coastal people’s preoccupations with their livelihood did not allow them to heed that request.
6:4 The tsunami miraculously changed their outlook.
6:5 Villages adjoining thick mangrove forests were saved from the fury of the tsunami because of the wave breaking [40] (1. impact 2. role 3. force) played by the mangroves.
6:6 But in nearby villages, where mangroves had been destroyed either for fuel wood or to create fishponds, several hundred fishermen died.
6:7 This area is near the temple town of Chidambaram, [41] (1which. 2. Where 3. When) centuries ago the temple builders had chosen a mangrove species as the temple tree.
6:8 Following the tsunami there was a sudden awareness of the reason for this choice, and local people now refer to mangrove trees as “life savers.”

6:9 What the residents could not achieve in 15 years by arguing that mangroves would serve as a natural, biological shield in the event of a flood was thus achieved in a day.

■第4段落
4:1 It the past, economists looked [37](1. liberally 2. unwillingly. strictly) at your income in order to calculate the value of your leisure hours.
4:2 Now, the study of the “household economy” is getting fresh encouragement.
4:3 It is even beginning to take into account intangible factors such as satisfaction and pleasure.

4:4 Many governments have conducted surveys on the use of time within the household, in an effort to provide reliable data.
4:5 Some use a monthly survey, [38](1. if 2. where 3. which) they ask people to report how much time they spend doing such things as exercising or driving their kids to various places.
4:7 Some of them address issues such as the impact of timesaving technology, including microwave ovens and washing machines.
4:8 This kind of scholarship is gaining new relevance now that lower household budgets are [39] (1. forcing 2. requesting 3. helping) some people to work longer hours, which emphasizes the importance of the cost-effective use of free time.

■第7段落
7:1 Defenders of conventional schooling make parallel arguments, claiming that children need the physical and emotional peer connections that they experience in classroom activities, school assemblies, club meetings, and the like in order to develop the social skills they will need to [9] ( 1 .participate in 2. borrow from 3. retreat from) democratic society.

7:2 On the other hand, some argue that virtual schooling can actually promote civic participation because it provides a [10](1.measurement 2. mechanism 3. messenger) by which thoughtful communication can take place among a nearly limitless range of students.

■第13段落
13:1 Giving [49] (1. blindly 2. modestly 3. inevitably) does not improve the status quo of poverty in the world.
13:2 This need not be the case.
13:3 Much can be accomplished with relatively modest amounts of money when giving is invested in results rather than in need only.
13:4 Philanthropists must demand [50] (1. more than 2. nothing less than 3. anything but) real, meaningful and measurable life change for those they seek to help.

■第5段落
5:1 The first step toward performance philanthropy is gathering data on results, not just needs.
5:2 Geneva Global began a quest to determine “return on investment” for philanthropy more than five years ago.
5:3 We have learned, through detailed research and the handling of hundreds of grants affecting millions of people each year, great deal about measuring [35]( 1. needs 2. receipts 3. performance)in philanthropy.

■第8段落
8:1 Mousetraps, however, are not created by nature but are manufactured by people.
8:2 Then, we must ask what part of natural life is so complex that it cannot be fully explained by Darwinian Theory.
8:3 Some have suggested that the human eye is one such example.
8:4 But the eye has been studied for decades with results that strongly [12] (1. deny 2. doubt 3. suggest) it has evolved.
8:5 At first there were light sensitive plates in prehistoric creatures that enabled them to move toward and away from illumination.
8:6 In a few animals, these light sensitive plates were more precise.
8:7 This was the result of genetic differences.
8:8 Just as only a few people today can see a baseball [13] (1. as long as 2. as poorly as 3. as well as) Ted Williams could, so then some creatures were able not only to detect light but to see shapes or colors in the light.

■第6段落
6:1 What existed before the Big Bang created the universe?
6:2 Is there an afterlife of heaven (or hell) that awaits us after we die?
6:3 Can a faith in God change our lives?
6:4 There are religious scientists who believe that God exists and affects our lives, and there are scientists who reject the idea of God and his actions.
6:5 For example, Isaac Newton was a deeply religious man, and what we today call the Newtonian laws, he [10] (1. attached 2. attributed 3. contributed) to Gods handiwork.
6:6 On the other hand, Charles Darwin, though he started his adult life as a sincere believer intending to become a priest, abandoned his insistence that God created animal species and replaced that view with his extraordinary, and now widely accepted, theory of evolution.

■第2段落
2:1 This theory has been tested rigorously, [2] (1. as much as 2. so much as 3. so much so) that we can now launch a satellite and know exactly where it must be in space in order to keep it rotating around the earth.
2:2 It was not always this way.
2:3 From classical times to the Middle Ages, many important thinkers thought that the speed with which objects fall toward the earth depended solely on their weight.
2:4 We now know that this view is false.
2:5 In a vacuum, objects fall at the same speed and, thanks to Newton, we know the formula with which to [3] (1.accelerate 2.calculate 3. control) that speed.■第8段落
8:1 However, this is by [16] (1. all 2. some 3. no) means the only way in which a language can develop its vocabulary;
8:2 there are many cases where the vocabulary of a language is developed from within, that is, by using its own existing resources.
8:3 One of the reasons why a languages own resources may be used in the expansion of its vocabulary is that a writer wants his/her work to be readily understood by its intended audience, who might be [17](1. put on 2. put off 3. pulled off) by too much borrowing.
8:4 This is what Cicero* did.
8:5 In order to write in Latin about the ideas of Greek philosophy, he developed a Latin vocabulary which corresponded to the ideas he wanted to put [18]( 1. away 2. down 3. across).
8:6 An example of this was his use of the Latin word ratio to mean ‘reason’, a usage which has come down to us today in English.
8:7 He also invented new words made up of Latin elements:
8:8 for instance, the word qualitas, which became ‘quality’ in English, was [19] (1. coined 2. depicted 3. designated) by Cicero to correspond to a Greek idea.
8:9 Thus, he composed his philosophical works in Latin partly to make Greek philosophy available to a Latin-speaking audience, but also partly to show that it could be done.
8:10 This was because some of his contemporaries were skeptical about the possibility of Latin being able to express the ideas of the Greeks!

■第4段落
4:1 Now let’s look at the ways in which languages are supposed to be inadequate.
4:2 In some instances, it is features of the structure of a language which are picked on as the reason why another language is to be [7] (1. preferred 2. provoked 3. supported) for a particular function.
4:3 In Switzerland, some people speak Romansh, a language descended from Latin, although German has been making inroads for centuries.
4:4 [8] (1. As for 2. As with 3. As regards) Maori, there has been a [9] (1. play 2. push 3. pick) in recent decades to increase the areas of life and activity in which Romansh is used.
4:5 Now, German is a language which can very easily combine words into ‘compounds’.
4:6 Romansh is a language which cannot do this so readily and [10] (1. instead 2. furthermore. additionally) uses phrases as a way of combining ideas.
4:7 Some speakers of Romansh believe that Romansh is not good enough to be used in really technical areas of life because ‘German is able to construct clearly defined single words for technical ideas, Romansh is not’.
4:8 This notion ignores the fact that other languages such as French and Italian are in exactly the same boat as Romansh, yet obviously have no problem in being precise in technical areas.
3:1 In these countries the expansion of urbanization is [33](1. controlling 2. growing 3. occurring) on an unimaginable scale.
3:2 Very large cities the megacities with populations of over 10 million people are becoming commonplace.
3:3 New York and Tokyo were the only megacities in 1960, but by 1999 there were 17.
3:4 In another 15 years projections suggest there will be at [34](1. largest 2. least 3. most) 26 such cities, 22 of which will be in developing countries, and 18 of these in Asia.
3:5 However, the most aggressive growth [35](1. Appears 2. Continues 3. Corresponds) to be in the cities of between 1 and 10 million.
3:6 In 1990, we had 270 million cities; by 2015, various predictions show that there may be between 358 and 516 of these cities.

■第6段落
6:1 There is a strong [43](1. barrier 2. force 3. link) between urban form and sustainable development, but it is not simple and straightforward.
6:2 It has been suggested that a sustainable city must be of a form and scale appropriate to walking, cycling and efficient public transport, and with a compactness that encourages social interaction.
6:3 Some other proponents have suggested forms with large concentrated centers, those with decentralized but compact settlements linked by public transport systems, or those with a set of self-sufficient communities based on development strategies [44](1. for 2. On 3. To) dispersion.

■第5段落
5:1 The bone club, the toothed saw, the horn dagger, the bone scraper these were the marvelous inventions which the manages needed in order to survive.
5:2 Soon they would recognize them for the symbols of power that they were, but many months [6] (1. could 2. had to 3. might) pass before their clumsy fingers would acquire the skill or the will to use them.
5:3 The odds were still [7](1. against 2. between 3. beyond) them, and there were endless opportunities for failure in the ages that lay ahead.
5:4 Yet the manages had been given their first chance.
5:5 There would be no second one;
5:6 the future was, very literally, in their own hands.

■第8段落
8:1 When the ice had passed, [11](1. now 2. SO 3. Then) had much of the planets early life including the manages.
8:2 But, unlike so many others, they had left descendants;
8:3 they had not merely become extinct they had been transformed.
8:4 The toolmakers had been remade by their own tools.

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